scholarly journals Marxistische Parteiendebatte revisited

Author(s):  
Anne Steckner

Different from approaches to political parties with an affirmative stance towards capitalist domination, Marxist social theory claims to assess the role of parties within Bourgeois society from a critical perspective. Nevertheless, existing debates on political parties in capitalism suffer from a narrow focus on forms and functions. They tend to become functionalist and reductionist on class struggles instead of analyzing different relations of domination. Due to this shortcoming, it is necessary to develop a materialist understanding which takes into account some helpful insights from Gramsci’s concept of political and societal party. His understanding of domination as hegemony provides us with rich analytical instruments: Now we can grasp more precisely to what extent parties play a crucial role in organizing consent within society and how they manage to do so. By critically assessing the Marxist debate on political parties and enriching it with a stronger focus on hegemony, I want to offer a more comprehensive conceptual framework which might be useful for empirical studies.

Author(s):  
Eyal Benvenisti

The chapter examines the extent to which international courts and tribunals can take community interests into consideration and develop community obligations. It explores the significance of this distinction between the ad hoc dispute-settlement tribunals and standing courts with jurisdiction to adjudicate multiple cases, and argues that the recursive function transforms international courts into global lawmakers that weave together a system of norms with secondary rules of recognition. International tribunals serve a crucial role of coordinating the behavior of state and nonstate actors by creating focal points that define the parties’ legal obligations and stabilize expectations. Moreover, the chapter argues that because of this function international courts are uniquely situated to take community interests into account, and they often, if not always, do so. This implies that if properly insulated from pressures and prejudices, international adjudicators are institutionally inclined to promote community obligations.


2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 831-838 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ekaterina R Rashkova ◽  
Sam Van Der Staak

Abstract Living in a globalised world, with its inherent easier movement of people between nations, imposes new challenges for representative democracy and for party politics specifically. Political parties have traditionally operated at a domestic level, yet, with the large number of people moving around the globe, this is now changing. This special section, deriving from a workshop on the topic, is one of the first attempts to systematically address this issue. It offers a theoretical framework and five empirical studies on the party abroad. The collection provides evidence of varied levels of existence of the party abroad in different contexts. It illustrates that the party abroad as a new modus operandi for parties that exist in all corners of the world; yet, it is most distinctly developed where the electoral stimuli and the type and size of the diaspora group give strategic incentive to political parties to do so.


1974 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Obler

Leaders and activists in most Western political parties, appreciating Schattschneider's adage1 that parties are controlled by those who control nominations to public offices, jealously guard their right to choose parliamentary candidates. They realize that candidates play a crucial role in shaping voters’ images of the parties as well as in formulating the party policies. Not surprisingly, candidates are usually recruited through rather oligarchical procedures. Extra-parliamentary party leaders normally pick the nominees in closed private meetings and then submit their choices to rank-and-file party members and/or delegates who nearly always grant their approval. Such procedures reduce the role of party members to one of docile acquiescence, and completely exclude party voters.


Author(s):  
S.J.D. Green

This chapter explores the role of religion and the churches in British political life since 1800. It argues that during this period the British state gradually attempted to remove religious dispute from public life, and yet frequently failed to do so. The chapter examines a series of political problems posed by questions of religion and the churches, including nineteenth-century Ireland, the proliferation of diverse varieties of Christianity throughout the United Kingdom, the connections between religion and the political parties, and the challenges of secularization. It concludes that, even in a mostly secular country, British politics continues to be haunted by religion.


The Forum ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 685-709
Author(s):  
Daniel Schlozman ◽  
Sam Rosenfeld

Abstract This article pursues a developmental understanding of American parties as autonomous and thick collective actors through a comparison of four key historical actors we term “prophets of party”: partisans of the nineteenth-century Party Period; Progressive reformers; mid-twentieth century liberal Democrats; and activists in and around the body popularly known as the McGovern-Fraser Commission. Leading theories portray political parties as the vehicles either of ambitious politicians or of groups eager to extract benefits from the state. Yet such analyses leave underdetermined the path from such actors’ desires for power to the parties’ wielding of it. That path is mediated by partisan forms and practices that have varied widely across institutional and cultural context. As parties search for electoral majority, they do so in the long shadow of ideas and practices, layered and accreted across time, concerning the role of parties in political life. We analyze four such prophesies, trace their layered contributions to their successors, and reflect on their legacy for contemporary party politics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
MATTEO FUOLI ◽  
JEANNETTE LITTLEMORE ◽  
SARAH TURNER

It has been suggested that metaphor often performs some sort of evaluative function. However, there have been few empirical studies addressing this issue. Moreover, little is known about the extent to which a metaphor needs to be creative in order to perform an evaluative function, or whether there are differences according to the type of evaluation, such as its degree of explicitness and its polarity. In order to investigate these questions, 94 film reviews from the Internet Movie Database (IMDB) were annotated for creative and conventional metaphor, and for positive and negative, inscribed and invoked evaluation. Approximately half of the metaphors in our corpus were found to perform an evaluative function. Creative metaphors were significantly more likely to perform an evaluative function than conventional metaphors. Metaphorical evaluation was found to be significantly more negative than non-metaphorical evaluation. Both creative and conventional metaphors were used more frequently to perform inscribed evaluation than invoked evaluation. However, the tendency towards inscribed evaluation was stronger for conventional metaphors than for creative metaphors. From a theoretical perspective, these findings call into question fundamental assumptions about the role of metaphor in performing evaluation, such as the claim, made in the Systemic Functional Linguistics literature, that metaphor invariably ‘provokes’ attitudinal meanings. We have shown that it can do so, but that it does not always do so. The study also offers methodological contributions, by introducing a new protocol for the annotation of creative metaphors as well as detailed guidelines for coding evaluation at different levels of explicitness.


2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-363
Author(s):  
Edward H. Miller

This essay examines why Richard Henry Dana III and other Boston reformers supported the Massachusetts civil service law of 1884, an even stronger measure than the federal Pendleton Act of 1883. Historians have uncovered two purposes behind civil service reform. First, reform limited the “spoils system” and curtailed the power of political parties. Second, reform increased efficiency in government. This essay argues that restricting the suffrage of Irish laborers was another purpose. Therefore, the essay runs counter to prevailing historical opinion by demonstrating that support for suffrage restriction remained an undercurrent in the 1880s, even after the failure of the Tilden Commission to implement property qualifications in New York City in the late 1870s. This exploration of a neglected topic also reminds urban historians of the deep ethnic conflict that gripped Boston in the 1880s and of the crucial role of patronage and bossism in Boston and other cities, a reality that historians since the 1980s have tended to downplay.


FIAT JUSTISIA ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Dwi Andayani Budisetyowati

The Islamic Banking has been growing significantly in Indonesia. However, studies discussed the detail of the roles and the influences of the political parties in the parliament towards the formation and the development of the Islamic Banks had been limited. Due to this condition, this paper aims at discussing the roles and the influences of the political parties in the parliament towards the formation and the development of Islamic Banks in Indonesia. The method used to examine the above issues is by conducting desk research. Data and information collected are from the secondary sources and the empirical studies advanced in the literature. The study argued that the Islamic banking had been given a social and economic contribution to the Indonesian economy. However, support for the formation and development of this bank is still limited. For that reason, it is a must for the Government of Indonesia in general and the Bank of Indonesia in particular to support the development of Islamic bank. Also, the role of the political parties in the parliament was also considered important. Thus, much remain to be done. Keywords: Islamic Banks, Parliament, Regulation, Bank of Indonesia, Formation, Development


Legal Studies ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-509 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paddy Ireland

This paper critically evaluates the contractual theories of companies and company law which have risen to prominence in recent years. It argues that history reveals as misguided the attempt to depict public companies as essentially contractual in nature, one of the most striking features of the development in nineteenth century Britain of the first body of (joint stock) company law having been its gradual move away from the principles of agency and contract underlying the law of partnership from which it emerged. Against this backdrop, the paper moves on to explore the ways in which theorists have tried, against the odds, to characterise public Companies as contractual and the reasons for their attempting to do so. While it might be apposite to view many private or closely held companies through the prism of contract, the paper argues, public companies and much of company law itself can only properly be understood when viewed through the prism of financial property. Indeed, it suggests, this is implicitly confirmed by the Company Law Review and (paradoxically) by the recent work of corporate governance specialists and financial economists in the US, with its focus on investor protection and the preservation of financial property's integrity, and its emphasis on the crucial role of (public) regulation in these processes. The paper concludes that these property forms are not merely the objects, but the products of regulation and that this has important implications for our understanding of both company law and corporate governance. In making these arguments, it seeks to cast some light on the nature of intangible property, on the differences between contract-based and property-based rights, on the neo-liberal idea of ‘deregulation’, and on the unity and scope of company law as a legal category.


2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 95-97
Author(s):  
Adis Duderjia

Gabrielle Marranci seeks to shift the analyses of “Islamic fundamentalism/radicalism” discourses away from those focusing on cultural and politicalessentialism, scripturalism, and social determinism and toward that ofexploring the dynamics of radicalization by examining the central role ofemotions on identity formation. His main thesis is that fundamentalismmust be understood as a process linked to identity and identification (nota thing) and that theories which take into account the crucial role of emotions,feelings, and the environment can explain fundamentalism, includingIslamic fundamentalism, more accurately then social deterministand/or cultural constructivist theories can (pp. 77-80). The author thus setsout to “engage with an incredibly expanding academic literature [onIslamic fundamentalism] that tends to treat religious fundamentalism onthe basis of culturalist or social theory discourse” (p. 153). He uses thesame analytical lens adopted in his Jihad beyond Islam (London: Berg,2006) ...


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