scholarly journals Political Socialization of Youth as a Product of Interaction of Value-Mental Attitudes of an Individual and Purposeful Information Influence

Author(s):  
A. Ihrushko ◽  
S. Belkova

<p><em>The article analyzes the political socialization of youth as a component of general socialization, carried out under the influence of a combination of institutional and personal factors, in particular the influence of the media.</em></p><p><em>The purpose of the article is to determine the mechanisms of the influence of information and communication technologies on the political socialization of youth based on the analysis of personal and institutional factors of political socialization.</em></p><p><em>The article used a set of general scientific methods, namely: a logical analysis of scientific achievements and theoretical conclusions on the research problem; comparative method; a systematic approach that allowed revealing the integrity and interconnection of factors and mechanisms of informational impact on the process of political socialization.</em></p><p><em>It is determined that the value-normative formation of an individual occurs through the implementation of certain social mechanisms, with the help of which the socio-political roles and political activity of individuals as participants in the political process are fixed.</em></p><p><em>It is revealed that an individual interpretation of the features of cultural interaction in the process of political socialization is of particular importance in the conditions of the modern information society. Through the process of political socialization, the regulation of political practices is ensured. As a result of socialization, value-mental attitudes are consolidated, through the prism of which there is an assessment of the everyday life of the individual, and, accordingly, the perception of the political world.</em></p><p><em>In fact, building a system of social mechanisms for the influence of the media on the process of political socialization of youth is crucial because it creates the prerequisites for the further development of civil society. At the same time, the fixed social models of political practices, based on the symbolic reproduction of images and values, will ensure at the social level the correspondence of individual needs of an individual with group needs. Accordingly, there will be a reproduction (adjustment) of behavioral practices in accordance with the goals, interests and ideals of the social group that shares certain political values.</em></p><p><strong><em>Key words:</em></strong><em> mass media, informational impact, political socialization, political culture, value orientations.</em></p>

Obraz ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 34-41
Author(s):  
Taras Ohorodnyk

The article examines the publicistic polemic of 1919–1920 between the Social Democrats Volodymyr Starosolsky, Mykola Hankevych and Dmytro Dontsov on one side and the National Democrats Kost’ Levytsky, Pavlo Lysyak on the other about the Ukrainian-Polish understanding and the conclusion of the Treaty of Warsaw in 1920 between the Ukrainian People’s Republic and Poland. The main focus is on the polemic over the participation and role of Volodymyr Starosolsky in the Ukrainian-Polish negotiations. The object of the study is primarily the Lviv newspapers «Vpered/Forward», «Hromadska Dumka / Public Opinion», «Nova Rada/New Council» and the Vienna magazine «Ukrainskyi Prapor/Ukrainian Flag». To study newspaper articles and define the basic concepts of journalistic polemic, the methods of analysis, synthesis, comparative method and press clipping were used. Historical and logical methods were chosen to determine the objectivity of the facts stated by the polemists, as well as a biographical method to reveal the political activity of Volodymyr Starosolsky as the scholar and publicist.


2021 ◽  
pp. 26-37
Author(s):  
Elena N. Malik

The aim of the study is a comprehensive analysis of the main directions of optimizing the system of political socialization of young people in the context of the development of the electronic media environment. The article identifies and reveals the main problems of the influence of media information flows on the formation of socio-political orientations of young citizens. The mass media were and remain the most important institution of political socialization of the younger generation, having a direct influence on the assimilation of social norms by young citizens, the formation of political values among them and, as a result, the expression by the younger generation of various forms of socio-political activity.An assessment of the role of the media in the political socialization of modern Russian youth showed that the activities of traditional media in the Russian political space are noticeably lost in relation to electronic media resources. In the digital age, it is advisable to assess the possibilities of the influence of various digital media channels on the political consciousness and behavior of young people.The conclusion is justified that young people are not only an object, but also a subject of political socialization. Under the influence of the media environment, this process is increasingly not vertical, but horizontal in nature, when young citizens demonstrate alternative forms of socio-political activity and models of political behavior — from electronic elections to the signing of online petitions, as well as continuously choose from possible images of the world thanks to the activities of electronic media, etc. Electronic media, especially network media, are largely responsible for initiating models of socio-political activity of young citizens. Based on a large factual material, the author considers the media preferences of young citizens when exposed to traditional, electronic and online media. The role of Internet socialization of youth in the activation of institutional forms of its participation in the democratization of Russian society is justified.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-70
Author(s):  
ANTONINA SELEZNEVA ◽  

Purpose of the study. The article is devoted to the analysis of value orientations, forms of civic engagement and political participation of young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots. In accordance with the conceptual and methodological provisions developed within the framework of the political and psychological approach, the author examines how the cognitive and behavioral components of the personality structure, which determine the patriotic orientation of youth, relate to each other. Research results. Based on an analysis of the data of an all-Russian survey of young people aged 15 to 30, the author comes to the conclusion that young Russian patriots are interested in politics and identify with Russia. They demonstrate a fairly high level of social activity and have a wide repertoire of forms of civic participation and political behavior. They have attitudes towards conventional forms of political participation (primarily electoral). In the system of values of young patriots, the most significant are human rights, peace, order, legality, security, freedom and justice. Young Russian citizens who consider themselves patriots differ in their political values and behavioral orientations from «non-patriots». The author comes to the conclusion that young patriots have a connection between values and behavioral practices of their implementation, which determines their focus on interaction with the state and society. But this is not typical for young people in general. It is noted that in the future, patriotism can become a factor in the serious intragenerational demarcation of young people. Therefore, significant efforts are required from various institutions of socialization in the field of political education and patriotic education of youth.


2019 ◽  
pp. 398-406
Author(s):  
Natalya Antonova ◽  
Viktoria Khafizova

The paper deals with professional values of journalism students. The grounds for research are the transformation of values in journalists’ professional activity that occurs under conditions of society mediatization and development of new information and communication technologies. The consequences of this transformation include problems like publication of non-validated / non-authentic information, distortion of facts, imposing a false agenda. Media experts are engaged in active debates on preserving the journalists’ professional ethics. In this regard, a need emerges to study professional and value orientations of students – future journalists who are beginning to get acquainted with this profession at a higher education institution. The object of our research was students from Journalism Faculty of the Ural Federal University and the University for Humanities. The research included an online survey of students (n = 202), as well as two interviews with Faculty Heads for profound understanding of the situation in the contemporary journalism education. The findings evidence that fact checking, accuracy and integrity are among the top professional values of journalism students. A journalist, in students’ view, is an innovator capable of creating unique content; their purpose is disclosing the truth and helping people. We can therefore conclude that students respond to value demands of the media environment and at the same time they are oriented at reproducing the traditional principles of journalism ethics, despite media experts’ doubts of preserving professional values in contemporary journalism.


Author(s):  
Russell Lidman

This paper considers how to reduce corruption and improve governance, with particular attention to the impacts of information and communication technology. The media and the press in particular have played an important role in opposing corruption. The Internet and related tools are both supplementing and supplanting the traditional roles of the press in opposing corruption. A regression model with a sample of 164 countries demonstrates that, controlling for the independent variables commonly employed in empirical work on corruption, greater access to the Internet explains reduced corruption. The effect is statistically significant albeit modest. It is possible that the social media will have a growing impact on reducing corruption and improving governance. A number of examples of current uses of these media are provided. Recent insight and experience suggest how the newer information and communication technologies are somewhat tipping the balance toward those opposing corruption.


1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. T. Denver ◽  
J. M. Bochel

In the ten years or so since the publication of Hyman's seminal work, 1 students of politics have given increasing attention to political socialization. There has been a proliferation of works utilizing the concept. 2 The notion of socialization has perhaps been most rigorously applied in studies of the development of the political attitudes of children and adolescents, 3 but it has also been employed, if rather more loosely, in the study of adult electors. 4 There is, however, a dearth of material relating to the socialization of party activists at local level. This is not to say that the social and political background and the recruitment patterns of party activists have not been investigated, 5 but the concept of political socialization has not been explicitly or very rigorously employed. The importance of local party organizations and their memberships has not always been self-evident to students of politics and we do not propose to argue the point here. We merely assert that British parties and British politics derive much of their ‘style’ from the character of party activists. This being the case, we feel that the relative lack of information about the socialization of activists represents a considerable gap.


Author(s):  
Pradeep K. Chhibber ◽  
Rahul Verma

Ideology is transmitted to citizens through multiple pathways, each of which provide heuristic cues to ordinary voters. Citizens form their political views through the efforts of political parties and the political elite; their socialization, especially the kind of education they receive; the media; and through their activities in the social organization including religious associations. In India, those who are more religiously active, get their news from local and vernacular media, and do not speak English language are less likely to support either an active role for the state in transforming social norms or making special provision for some groups. Indians who are members of civil society, consume English-language media, and speak English are more likely to favor statism and recognition.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-125
Author(s):  
Anke Strauß ◽  
Alexander Fleischmann

This article reconceptualises work-based solidarity as political action that is distinct from, yet interlinked with, a socio-economic mode of activity. To extend existing relational approaches to work, this article reads a case study of a cultural initiative through Hannah Arendt’s notions of labour, work and (political) action. With the latter being a form of engagement marked by plurality – the co-presence of equality and difference – the analysis shows how work-based solidarity as political activity is a temporary and precarious phenomenon. It necessitates constant engagement of various material and discursive elements to create its conditions. This article also shows how work-based solidarity is enabled through particular arrangements of activities stretching over both the socio-economic and the political sphere in a way that maintains the political mode of work distinct from socio-economic reasoning without ignoring its economic necessities.


1938 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 89-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gustav Mayer

The present study is based on the vast number of letters written by and addressed to Lassalle, which have only been discovered during the last twenty years, and which have hitherto hardly been regarded seriously by historians. This study does not deal with the theories of the famous propagandist, but only with his political activity. It investigates his real motives for drafting the programme of the Allgemeine Deutsche Arbeiterverein; for what he was agitating; and why he failed to attain his object. A short analysis of the internal situation of Prussia adds to a better understanding of the real possibilities, of Lassalle's schemes.Special attention has been paid to the arguments which Lassalle used to convince Bismarck of the necessity of granting a general suffrage—the principal item of his programme—, and the analysis of his attitude towards the monarchial system of Poland and the caesarism of Napoleon III. His friend Rodbertus wanted to persuade him that caesarism was the "signatura temporis" for future Europe, and that consequently the dictatorial system had far better chances to succeed in solving the problem of the proletariat than democracy. But Lassalle was too much of a politician to let himself be persuaded that in the long run it would be possible to divorce the social elements from politics.Finally the author compares the way in which Lassalle tried to influence the political outlook of his age with that of his rivals Marx and Engels.


2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 718-741
Author(s):  
Valeriy F. Blokhin ◽  

Within the previous work during the launch of the project “Implementation of the reform from February 19, 1861 in the Oryol province (experience of computer analysis of mass sources)” the topics touched upon were not only the ones which were based on the analysis of mass sources, but also some scenarios related to the aspects of the socio-economic situation in the region were developed. The work was continued, and some observations made during the preliminary study are given in the presented article. The key point here is the discussion of problems related to the “determination of the grounds” for the development of the position of the provincial nobility with regards to existing at that time correlation of interests between the supreme power, bureaucratic reformers and landowners. The author attempts to outline a collective portrait of the representatives of the landowning and agrarian-industrial local nobility of the Oryol province. This period in question was the peak of the political activity of the local nobility, a time when subjective and personal factors in the preparation of the peasant reform were fully manifested. The representatives of the Oryol nobility had different motives that determined their attitude to the upcoming abolition of serfdom. The study of a wide variety of differences in the views of the local nobility, the analysis of the factors that determined their views in these conditions, will help broaden the understanding of the foundations of the upcoming transformations and the level of historical responsibility of the main estate of the country.


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