scholarly journals PROXY WAR AND INDONESIA’S NATIONAL SECURITY: VICTORIA CONCORDIA CRESCIT

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Safril Hidayat
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Validity And Reliability ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Pro Bono ◽  
Proxy War ◽  
Unity In Diversity ◽  
Ancient Times ◽  
State Actors

<p>Abstract – Proxy war have occurred since ancient times until now which is conducted by the major state powers by using state actors or non-state actors. The national interests of the big countries with objective of the struggle for power and the power of influence in affecting international relations. Proxy war has motives and hard power and soft power approaches to achieve their goals. Indonesia is safeguarding its national security in dealing with the proxy war strategy against disintegration attempts, thus it can be eliminated and the integration of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia will remains intact. To safeguard the integration of the nation, Indonesia must take a counter proxy measures. This article uses qualitative approach with data from reference sources and literature related to the proxy war. The validity and reliability of the data was tested by triangulation reference. The study shows that the counter proxy war conducted by maintaining Unity in Diversity which resemble the Opus Dei upon Indonesia, implementing policies and avoiding materialistic for the benefit of people (pro bono), and keeping the harmony of Indonesia.</p><p><br />Keywords: Proxy war, proxy war motives, national security, counter proxy war.</p>

The Italian role in the Libyan spring revolution: is it a shift from soft to hard power?

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 556-570
Author(s):  
Mustafa Abdalla A. Kashiem
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Alliance ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Global Context ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Full Participation

While France, Britain, Qatar and the United States played crucial political and military roles in the alliance of countries backing Libya's ‘spring’ revolution from the beginning, Italy's early stance towards the Libyan revolution was somewhat hesitant and vague. Its initial reticence was due to national security considerations, Italy's calculation of its national interest and the complexity of contemporary international relations. However, as events unfolded, the Italian position became clearer and firmer, such that in time Italy played a leading role that helped the global efforts to rebuild the new contemporary democratic Libya post-Qadhafi. The focus of this study is on the Italian role during the course of the Libyan ‘spring’ revolution, known now as the revolution of 17 February 2011, after the agreed date of its inception. Notwithstanding Rome's initial hesitancy, Italy is considered among the leading actors that participated in the alliance galvanized to act under the terms of UN Security Council Resolutions 1970 and 1973. Here the contention is that Italy's full participation in the global alliance that carried out the UN mandates represented a process of transition in the Italian orientation from that of a soft power to that of a hard power as well. Thus, it is argued, when Italy's national security and interests are challenged in a global context, Italy is willing to use both soft and hard power. The findings of this study supported, by and large, the initial expectations concerning the important types of internal and external elements influencing the role of Italy in the Libyan crisis. Thus, Italy's position towards the Libyan revolution of 17 February 2011 may be attributed, among other factors, to its discernment of its national security and national interests in the context of competition in the Mediterranean region and the Middle East as well.

scholarly journals Western Experience in Strategic Planning for National Security

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 12-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. P. Nazarov
Keyword(s):  
Strategic Planning ◽  
National Security ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Mutual Influence ◽  
Security Assessment ◽  
National Interests ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
Western Experience

The purpose of this article is to provide an overview of the best Western practices in strategic planning with the view to improve the effectiveness of the Russian Federation national security policy in the face of new challenges and threats.Having analyzed Western approaches to ensuring national security, the article concludes that the political and governance practice needs to include more of strategic planning elements, such as strategic forecasting, monitoring, and national security assessment. Based on applicability to the Russian environment, the article particularly focuses on the American experience in strategic planning and discusses the origins and nature of the ideologeme of Americentrism that has dominated the American politics since 1990s. The author reveals how important role the use of soft power in specific national interests plays in the government policy for national security purposes and concludes that interrelation and mutual influence between planning and governance are indispensable.Having analyzed the Western practices, the article demonstrates the need to adjust significantly the strategic goal setting, first and foremost in Russia’s essential strategic planning documents.

scholarly journals CONSIDERATIONS ON THE POLICIES OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION TO ACHIEVE NATIONAL INTERESTS IN ITS NEAR ABROAD

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (72) ◽  
pp. 312-331
Author(s):  
Sergiu ȘARAMET
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
Russian Language ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Near Abroad

The policies of the Russian Federation in its near abroad have been constantly changing. Taking into account this consideration, it is important to know what were thedetermining factors that influenced the policy orientation of the Russian Federation in the pursuit of national interests in those areas. In this context, are analyzed the policies through which the Russian Federation projects national interests in its near abroad such as “hard power”, which include military operations (the involvement of Russian troops as“peacekeeping forces” in the Republic of Moldova, Georgia and Tajikistan; stationing of large units and units on the territory of the former union republics; economic sanctions, etc.). In tandem with “hard power” policies, the Russian Federation also uses “soft power” policies (promoting the Russian language and culture, strengthening the presence of the Russian Federation in the information space, supporting the Russian diaspora).Keywords: policies, national interests, “hard power”, “soft power”, economic sanctions, military operations.

scholarly journals SYRIA: TERRORISM AS A CATALYST FOR PROXY WAR – THE CASE OF THE CIVIL WAR

2021 ◽  
Vol 36 ◽  
pp. 22-38
Author(s):  
Patrycja Patrycja
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Smart Power ◽  
Terrorist Organizations ◽  
Regional Powers ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
Proxy War ◽  
General Meaning

The general meaning of “proxy war” is the pursuit of one’s interests exploiting other actors. Measures to this end can be implemented in two ways: through hard and soft power. As far as countering the activities of terrorist organizations is concerned, it can be seen that self-interest is placed above efforts against terrorism. The civil war in Syria and the activities of terrorist organizations have become grounds for greater involvement of global powers in the struggle for gaining influence in the country. This paper aims to show the actions of global and regional powers and other state actors taken in an attempt to assert power and influence under the guise of the fight against terrorism. The paper is divided into two parts: theoretical and practical. The theoretical part discusses aspects related to Josepha Nye’s concept of “smart power” and the notions of “proxy war” and “proxy activities”. The practical part discusses the activities of international actors pursuing their interests through official involvement in the fight against Daesh in the Syrian territory. Keywords: proxy war, Middle East, soft power, hard power, Daesh, Syria

scholarly journals Geopolitics of Religion: How Does Religion Influence International Relations and States’ Foreign Policies?

2020 ◽  
pp. 28-37
Author(s):  
Hichem Kadri ◽  
El Fatih Abdullahi Abdelsalam
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Middle Ages ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Regional Powers ◽  
Religious Conflicts ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Proxy War ◽  
The Cost

Undoubtedly, religion is one of the main factors that increasingly contribute to the shaping of international relations. As it was in the European middle ages, religion and geopolitics have always had ties of one sort or another. Imperialism and nationalist doctrines have found purpose and justification in religious differences and, religious zealotry was functioned to be both cause and consequence of the concentration of state power and the rivalries among existing competitors. The involvement of numerous religious groups and movements in the political scene led the situation to be extremely complicated. The purpose of this article is to see to what extent religion as a soft power has a role in forming international politics. Also, to discuss the role the superpowers and regional powers play in dealing with the question of religious issues. With an argument that these issues including religious conflicts are led by international and regional powers which function these groups in a proxy war to be part of their rivalry overpower, and to achieve their national interests through their foreign policies at the cost of considerable environmental degradation and a massive death toll of people.

Soft Power in the Contemporary World: Recommendations to the Small States’ Security

Unity Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 54-69
Author(s):  
Dharma Bahadur Baniya
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
World Order ◽  
Small States ◽  
Smart Power ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
National Power ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
The Military

Since the emergence of the New World Order in the international relations, the pursuit of national interests through traditional hard power has come under intense criticism. Employment of military instrument in foreign soil in particular, has been questioned. Examples of Afghanistan, Korean Peninsula, Iraq, and Middle-East demonstrate that hard power approach alone, has been barely successful to handle multi-dimensional security challenges in the contemporary world. Although the hard power remains as important instruments of national power, its employment is becoming less significant due to its legitimacy and effectiveness in the changing global environment. Hence, the concept of soft power has been advanced as an alternative approach because of its potential of securing national interest without using force or coercion. Though the smart power, as an appropriate combination of hard and smart powers, has its implications in the international politics; soft power constitutes a very real power. This article argues on why soft power has been a more relevant instrument for the states being blessed or lacking the military might. Finally, the article presents its analysis with implications and recommends on ways in which small states like Nepal need to resort to soft power to ensure their foreign policy objectives and security in the changing international order.

scholarly journals ORCHESTRATING THE INSTRUMENTS OF NATIONAL POWER

2012 ◽  
pp. 11-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
IGOR KOTNIK
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Traditional Approach ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Soft Or ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Traditional Concept ◽  
National Community ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
National Power ◽  
Emerging Powers

The State has to orchestrate the instruments of national power regarding security en- vironment within the on-going process of establishing balance of power in the inter- national community. In continuous interplay, states and other actors try to implement their (national) interests through influence or coercion relationships. In behind of both approaches there are different instruments of national power which could be understood in traditional or more comprehensive and flexible way. Traditional approach, based on three or four instruments, is particularly incorrect if someone would like to get an impression about national power of developing states and newly emerging powers. Nye`s differentiation between hard and soft power in fact follows traditional concept of three (four) instruments (means) of national power, but at the same time he is introducing three different ways of “selling” – hard, soft and smart. According to comprehensive and more flexible understanding of the instruments of national power I suggest that all ten instruments of national power are suitable to be projected in influential (soft) or coercive (hard) way and also in a smart way, as a unique mixture of the first two, in which soft power should prevail over hard power as long as possible and acceptable. Država mora upravljati instrumente nacionalne moči ob upoštevanju varnostnega okolja v okviru trenutnega procesa vzpostavljanja ravnotežja moči v mednarodni skupnosti. Ob stalnem medsebojnem sodelovanju si države in drugi akterji priza- devajo uresničevati svoje (nacionalne) interese prek odnosov vplivanja ali prisile. V ozadju obeh pristopov so različni instrumenti nacionalne moči, ki jih je mogoče razumeti na tradicionalen ali bolj celovit in prilagodljiv način. Tradicionalni pristop, ki temelji na treh ali štirih instrumentih, je še posebno neustrezen, ko si želimo ustvariti vtis o nacionalni moči držav v razvoju in na novo nastajajočih velikih sil. Nyejevo razlikovanje med trdo in mehko močjo sledi tradicionalnemu konceptu treh (štirih) instrumentov (sredstev) nacionalne moči, vendar pa hkrati uvaja tri različne načine njihovega "prodajanja" – trdo, mehko in bistroumno moč. Skladno s celovitim in bolj prilagodljivim razumevanjem instrumentov nacionalne moči predlagam, da vseh deset instrumentov nacionalne moči razumemo kot primerne za uporabo v obliki vpliva (mehko) ali prisile (trdo), pa tudi na bistroumen način, kot edinstveno mešanico prvih dveh, v kateri mora mehka moč prevladati nad trdo močjo, kolikor dolgo je to mogoče in sprejemljivo.

Prospects for US foreign policy in 2018

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
National Security ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Content Type ◽  
White House ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Policy Dynamics ◽  
Second Year ◽  
Regular Patterns

Subject Prospects for US foreign policy in 2018. Significance As Donald Trump’s presidency enters its second year, the administration’s foreign policy dynamics are settling into regular patterns. A set of senior US national security officials seek to promote conventional US foreign policy aims, but the president’s ‘America First’ vision, rhetorical interventions and political focus on rolling back his predecessor’s accomplishments will constrain their ability to reassure allies and signal to adversaries what Washington’s intentions are. However, the White House prioritising hard power and transactional diplomacy over soft power and working with allies will change how Washington operates on the international stage.

scholarly journals Obama’s Dual Discourse on American Exceptionalism

2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (73) ◽  
pp. 25-56
Author(s):  
Miloš Hrnjaz ◽  
Milan Krstić
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
International Law ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
The Us

Abstract This paper analyses the highly contested concept of American exceptionalism, as described in the speeches of Barak Obama. The authors of the paper use discourse analysis to show that Obama is using the idea of American exceptionalism on two levels: US foreign policy and the US stance towards international law. Our conclusion is that Obama uses an implicit dual discourse in both these fields. Obama favours active US foreign policy, based on soft power instruments and multilateralism. He insists that American exceptionalism does not mean that the US can exempt itself from the norms of international law, however, he does not think the US should always have a very active foreign policy. He makes room for unilateral acting and the use of hard power instruments in foreign policy. He allows for the use of force even if is not in accordance with the norms of international law, when US national interests are threatened.

scholarly journals «SOFT POWER» IN ENSURING NATIONAL SECURITY OF THE STATE

2019 ◽  
pp. 225-235
Author(s):  
A.V. Chaevich
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
The Relationship

The article reveals the essential and meaningful signs of «soft power»; analyzes the problem of the relationship between «soft power» and «hard power» in ensuring the security of the state; discusses the main directions of implementation of «soft power» in the conditions of modern geopolitical confrontation; the features of its influence on the national security of modern Russia are also revealed.

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