scholarly journals ORCHESTRATING THE INSTRUMENTS OF NATIONAL POWER

2012 ◽  
pp. 11-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
IGOR KOTNIK
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Traditional Approach ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Soft Or ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Traditional Concept ◽  
National Community ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
National Power ◽  
Emerging Powers

The State has to orchestrate the instruments of national power regarding security en- vironment within the on-going process of establishing balance of power in the inter- national community. In continuous interplay, states and other actors try to implement their (national) interests through influence or coercion relationships. In behind of both approaches there are different instruments of national power which could be understood in traditional or more comprehensive and flexible way. Traditional approach, based on three or four instruments, is particularly incorrect if someone would like to get an impression about national power of developing states and newly emerging powers. Nye`s differentiation between hard and soft power in fact follows traditional concept of three (four) instruments (means) of national power, but at the same time he is introducing three different ways of “selling” – hard, soft and smart. According to comprehensive and more flexible understanding of the instruments of national power I suggest that all ten instruments of national power are suitable to be projected in influential (soft) or coercive (hard) way and also in a smart way, as a unique mixture of the first two, in which soft power should prevail over hard power as long as possible and acceptable. Država mora upravljati instrumente nacionalne moči ob upoštevanju varnostnega okolja v okviru trenutnega procesa vzpostavljanja ravnotežja moči v mednarodni skupnosti. Ob stalnem medsebojnem sodelovanju si države in drugi akterji priza- devajo uresničevati svoje (nacionalne) interese prek odnosov vplivanja ali prisile. V ozadju obeh pristopov so različni instrumenti nacionalne moči, ki jih je mogoče razumeti na tradicionalen ali bolj celovit in prilagodljiv način. Tradicionalni pristop, ki temelji na treh ali štirih instrumentih, je še posebno neustrezen, ko si želimo ustvariti vtis o nacionalni moči držav v razvoju in na novo nastajajočih velikih sil. Nyejevo razlikovanje med trdo in mehko močjo sledi tradicionalnemu konceptu treh (štirih) instrumentov (sredstev) nacionalne moči, vendar pa hkrati uvaja tri različne načine njihovega "prodajanja" – trdo, mehko in bistroumno moč. Skladno s celovitim in bolj prilagodljivim razumevanjem instrumentov nacionalne moči predlagam, da vseh deset instrumentov nacionalne moči razumemo kot primerne za uporabo v obliki vpliva (mehko) ali prisile (trdo), pa tudi na bistroumen način, kot edinstveno mešanico prvih dveh, v kateri mora mehka moč prevladati nad trdo močjo, kolikor dolgo je to mogoče in sprejemljivo.

Interactions between hard and soft power: The institutional adaptation of international intellectual property protection to global power shifts

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 588-612 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Daßler ◽  
Andreas Kruck ◽  
Bernhard Zangl
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Biological Diversity ◽  
Empirical Support ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Convention On Biological Diversity ◽  
Power Transition ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
Global Power ◽  
Emerging Powers

Prevailing power transition theories focus on hard sources of power to explain why international institutions do, or do not, adapt to shifts in the balance of power among their members. This article argues that, in the wake of such a shift in the balance between emerging and established powers, institutional adaptations depend on both their hard and soft power resources. Soft power matters for institutional adaptations because both emerging and established powers have to justify the use of hard power to their respective audiences. Whether emerging or established powers are able to use the hard power they have depends crucially on rhetorical resources, such as claims of legitimacy and their (transnational) societal resonance. We provide empirical support for our argument through an analysis of the adaptation of the Trade-Related Aspects of International Property Rights agreement and the adaptation of the Convention on Biological Diversity. Emerging powers such as Brazil, India and South Africa were able to bring about institutional adaptations because they not only had the hard power to undermine the respective institutions, but could also build on civil society support that legitimized their demands or constrained established states’ use of hard power to fend off their demands.

Soft Power in the Contemporary World: Recommendations to the Small States’ Security

Unity Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 54-69
Author(s):  
Dharma Bahadur Baniya
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
World Order ◽  
Small States ◽  
Smart Power ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
National Power ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
The Military

Since the emergence of the New World Order in the international relations, the pursuit of national interests through traditional hard power has come under intense criticism. Employment of military instrument in foreign soil in particular, has been questioned. Examples of Afghanistan, Korean Peninsula, Iraq, and Middle-East demonstrate that hard power approach alone, has been barely successful to handle multi-dimensional security challenges in the contemporary world. Although the hard power remains as important instruments of national power, its employment is becoming less significant due to its legitimacy and effectiveness in the changing global environment. Hence, the concept of soft power has been advanced as an alternative approach because of its potential of securing national interest without using force or coercion. Though the smart power, as an appropriate combination of hard and smart powers, has its implications in the international politics; soft power constitutes a very real power. This article argues on why soft power has been a more relevant instrument for the states being blessed or lacking the military might. Finally, the article presents its analysis with implications and recommends on ways in which small states like Nepal need to resort to soft power to ensure their foreign policy objectives and security in the changing international order.

scholarly journals CONSIDERATIONS ON THE POLICIES OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION TO ACHIEVE NATIONAL INTERESTS IN ITS NEAR ABROAD

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (72) ◽  
pp. 312-331
Author(s):  
Sergiu ȘARAMET
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Economic Sanctions ◽  
Russian Language ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Near Abroad

The policies of the Russian Federation in its near abroad have been constantly changing. Taking into account this consideration, it is important to know what were thedetermining factors that influenced the policy orientation of the Russian Federation in the pursuit of national interests in those areas. In this context, are analyzed the policies through which the Russian Federation projects national interests in its near abroad such as “hard power”, which include military operations (the involvement of Russian troops as“peacekeeping forces” in the Republic of Moldova, Georgia and Tajikistan; stationing of large units and units on the territory of the former union republics; economic sanctions, etc.). In tandem with “hard power” policies, the Russian Federation also uses “soft power” policies (promoting the Russian language and culture, strengthening the presence of the Russian Federation in the information space, supporting the Russian diaspora).Keywords: policies, national interests, “hard power”, “soft power”, economic sanctions, military operations.

scholarly journals Soft or Hard Power? Discourse Patterns in Brazil's Foreign Policy Toward South America

2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 103-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carola M. Lustig
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
South America ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Analysis Approach ◽  
Soft Or ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Discourse Patterns

AbstractThis article analyzes the discourse of Brazil's foreign policy toward South America from 1995 to 2010 by means of quantifying, codifying, and weighting all speeches registered in the homogeneous and periodic official documentation of Brazil's Ministry of Foreign Affairs using a discourse analysis approach. The aim is to investigate discourse patterns in order to qualify Brazil's foreign policy as either hard power or soft power and to identify the orientation and differences in its discourse of foreign policy regarding each country of South America during the presidential terms of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995–2002) and Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (2003–2010).

scholarly journals PROXY WAR AND INDONESIA’S NATIONAL SECURITY: VICTORIA CONCORDIA CRESCIT

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Safril Hidayat
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Validity And Reliability ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Pro Bono ◽  
Proxy War ◽  
Unity In Diversity ◽  
Ancient Times ◽  
State Actors

<p>Abstract – Proxy war have occurred since ancient times until now which is conducted by the major state powers by using state actors or non-state actors. The national interests of the big countries with objective of the struggle for power and the power of influence in affecting international relations. Proxy war has motives and hard power and soft power approaches to achieve their goals. Indonesia is safeguarding its national security in dealing with the proxy war strategy against disintegration attempts, thus it can be eliminated and the integration of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia will remains intact. To safeguard the integration of the nation, Indonesia must take a counter proxy measures. This article uses qualitative approach with data from reference sources and literature related to the proxy war. The validity and reliability of the data was tested by triangulation reference. The study shows that the counter proxy war conducted by maintaining Unity in Diversity which resemble the Opus Dei upon Indonesia, implementing policies and avoiding materialistic for the benefit of people (pro bono), and keeping the harmony of Indonesia.</p><p><br />Keywords: Proxy war, proxy war motives, national security, counter proxy war.</p>

scholarly journals Obama’s Dual Discourse on American Exceptionalism

2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (73) ◽  
pp. 25-56
Author(s):  
Miloš Hrnjaz ◽  
Milan Krstić
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
International Law ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
The Us

Abstract This paper analyses the highly contested concept of American exceptionalism, as described in the speeches of Barak Obama. The authors of the paper use discourse analysis to show that Obama is using the idea of American exceptionalism on two levels: US foreign policy and the US stance towards international law. Our conclusion is that Obama uses an implicit dual discourse in both these fields. Obama favours active US foreign policy, based on soft power instruments and multilateralism. He insists that American exceptionalism does not mean that the US can exempt itself from the norms of international law, however, he does not think the US should always have a very active foreign policy. He makes room for unilateral acting and the use of hard power instruments in foreign policy. He allows for the use of force even if is not in accordance with the norms of international law, when US national interests are threatened.

The Italian role in the Libyan spring revolution: is it a shift from soft to hard power?

2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 556-570
Author(s):  
Mustafa Abdalla A. Kashiem
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Alliance ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Global Context ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Full Participation

While France, Britain, Qatar and the United States played crucial political and military roles in the alliance of countries backing Libya's ‘spring’ revolution from the beginning, Italy's early stance towards the Libyan revolution was somewhat hesitant and vague. Its initial reticence was due to national security considerations, Italy's calculation of its national interest and the complexity of contemporary international relations. However, as events unfolded, the Italian position became clearer and firmer, such that in time Italy played a leading role that helped the global efforts to rebuild the new contemporary democratic Libya post-Qadhafi. The focus of this study is on the Italian role during the course of the Libyan ‘spring’ revolution, known now as the revolution of 17 February 2011, after the agreed date of its inception. Notwithstanding Rome's initial hesitancy, Italy is considered among the leading actors that participated in the alliance galvanized to act under the terms of UN Security Council Resolutions 1970 and 1973. Here the contention is that Italy's full participation in the global alliance that carried out the UN mandates represented a process of transition in the Italian orientation from that of a soft power to that of a hard power as well. Thus, it is argued, when Italy's national security and interests are challenged in a global context, Italy is willing to use both soft and hard power. The findings of this study supported, by and large, the initial expectations concerning the important types of internal and external elements influencing the role of Italy in the Libyan crisis. Thus, Italy's position towards the Libyan revolution of 17 February 2011 may be attributed, among other factors, to its discernment of its national security and national interests in the context of competition in the Mediterranean region and the Middle East as well.

«Soft Power» as Contemporary Attribute of Great Power

2012 ◽  
pp. 19-26
Author(s):  
I. Radikov ◽  
Y. Leksyutina
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Policy Instruments ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
The World ◽  
National Power ◽  
Internal Policy ◽  
The U.S

The concept of the U.S. "soft power" actualized by J. Nye in 1990s, which was based not only on potential capacities of this superpower, but also on impressive results of its external and internal policy, is considered in the article. Most states striving for playing a prominent role in world politics started to complement the battery of their foreign policy instruments with this concept. However, the degree of the state's impact on the world policy at the beginning of the XXth century is still determined by its synergistic national power, and the 'hard power" keeps playing one of the key roles in the modern world.

scholarly journals “Geopolitical Disorder” in the World and Russia

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 6-22
Author(s):  
V. N. Chernega
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
International System ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
National Interests ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
National Power ◽  
Multilateral Diplomacy ◽  
Emerging Powers

The article considers the state of the modern international system, in connection with which are disputed the affirmations concerning its multipolarity or the already emerging bipolarity, embodied by the United States and China. Neither the first nor the second definition is based on the concept of “pole”, as it was formed during the years of opposition between the United States and the Soviet Union. The current situation can rather be described as a “geopolitical disorder”. Traditional and emerging powers are fighting for a higher place in the new hierarchy, forging new alliances, often opportunistic, that predetermines the volatility and instability of the system. For States that are inferior in total national power to the United States or China, particularly for Russia, this creates new opportunities, especially in the framework of multilateral diplomacy. At the same time Russia, due to its economic weakness and the threat of a general technological backwardness, risks losing its status of power or, at least, being seriously squeezed by competitors. Hence the need for it to moderate its ambitions as a power and concentrate on implementing reforms aimed at modernizing the economy. The predicted decrease for some time in the resources of the state, due to this, will also require to adapt its foreign policy priorities and to focus on vital national interests.

An Analysis of UN Peacekeeping as Pakistan’s Soft Power Asset

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ume Farwa ◽  
Ghazanfar Ali Garewal
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Protective Role ◽  
International Community ◽  
Conflict Zones ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
Power Resources ◽  
Un Peacekeeping ◽  
The People ◽  
Peacekeeping Missions

The power of attraction and admiration is soft power. Generally, it is perceived that hard power cannot generate soft power, but the protective role of military in humanitarian crises and conflicts negates this prevailing misperception by specifying their contexts and effective utilizations; hard power assets can be transformed into soft power resources. This paper argues that the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions are the source of soft power and Pakistan, being an active participant in this field, can utilize this asset for shaping the preferences of others. Overall, it did earn admiration from international community and managed to build its soft image abroad through peacekeeping missions. Pakistani blue helmets not only earned the admiration and appreciation of the people of the conflict-zones and earned praises, but from international community also. However, to what extent has the country utilized this asset of soft power to exercise its influence in the global arena remains debatable. Although Pakistan’s UN Peacekeeping missions have been an instrument of building the country’s soft image, it is publicized in a far less productive manner. Peacekeeping can be used as a means to enhance the country’s presence and the level of participation in both international and regional organizations. By effective application of soft power strategy in tandem with public diplomacy, Pakistan’s UN peacekeeping can provide the country with the platform where its narratives can be projected effectively and its influence can be exercised adroitly.

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