The representation of post-conflict gender violence in Iraqi Kurdish novelistic discourse in Bahdinan

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-57
Author(s):  
Lolav M. Hassan Alhamid

This article explores the processes of finding a voice, learning to speak, and breaking silence around gender violence for a Kurdish woman endeavouring to resist oppression and destroy forced negative images and identities. It examines the ways in which she struggles to break imposed silences through resisting gender discrimination and telling stories of violence and exploitation, as represented in the Kurdish novelistic discourse in Bahdinan. Studying Sabri Silevani’s Mariama: Kiçe-Jinek ji Zemanek Di (Mariama: A Woman from Another Time, 2007), the article examines the various forms and layers of violence imposed on Kurdish women by the tribal and patriarchal norms and the social and political structures within the post-conflict Kurdish society in Iraqi Kurdistan. The three-fold typological model of violence developed by the political scientist Johan Galtung is adopted in the article to explore the ways in which the personal characteristics of individuals and the political, economic, and cultural structures of society are viewed as factors affecting the generation of gendered aggression. Most importantly, for the purpose of this article, is the significant utilisation of the association of Galtung’s typology with feminist studies of violence in the exploration of Kurdish women’s attempt to resist marginalisation and their struggle for recognition. Moreover, Rita Felski’s description and study of modern writing by women as a medium through which female political identities and collective consciousness are constructed and represented are adopted to discuss the structural and thematic properties of the text.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJITemsîla şideta cinsî ya piştî şerî di gotara edebî ya kurdên Iraqê de li herêma BehdînanEv meqale berê xwe dide merheleyên peydakirina dengî, fêrbûna axiftinê û daşikandina bêdengiya li dor şideta cinsî li cem jineke kurd a hewl dide li hember zextan ber xwe bide û wêne û huwiyetên menfî yên dasepandî ji nav bibe. Meqale lê hûr dibe ka çawa jin têdikoşe ku bi rêya berxwedana li hember cudakariya cinsî û bi gotina hikayêtên şidet û bikaranînê, wek ku di gotara romana kurdî ya li Behdînan tê temsîlkirin, bêdengiyên dasepandî bişikîne. Ev meqale li ser romana Sebrî Silêvanî ya bi navê Meryema: Kiçe Jinek Ji Zemanek Dî (2007) hûr dibe û dikeve dû destnîşankirina wan awa û tebeqeyên cihêreng ên şideta li ser jina kurd yên bi destê dab û nerîtên eşîrî û babsalarî û herwiha bi destê dezgehên civakî û siyasî yên di nav civaka kurd a li Kurdistana Iraqê ya piştî şerî têne dasepandin. Di meqelayê de modêla tîpolojîk û sê-tebeqeyî ya şidetê, ku Johan Galtungê zanyarê siyasetê dahînaye, hatiye bikaranîn ji bo veçirandina awayên ku taybetiyên şexsî yên ferdan û binyadên civakê yên siyasî, aborî û çandî wek fakterên kartêker ên peydabûna êrîşkariya cinsî têne dîtin. Ji bo armancên vê gotarê, ev tîpolojiya Galtung ligel xebatên fêmînîst ên li ser şidetê têne bikaranîn da ku hewla jinên kurd a berxwedana li hember perawêzxistinê û venasînê berçavtir bibe. Herwiha, pênase û lêkolîna Rita Felski ya li ser nivîsînên hevçerx ên jinan wek amrazek ji bo avakirin û temsîlkirina huwiyetên siyasî û şiûra cemawerî hatine bikaranîn ji bo vedîtina xasyetên metnê yên binyadî û têmayî.ABSTRACT IN SORANIWênekirdinî tundûtîjîy cenderî le gutarî novêlîstîkî kurdîy 'Êraq le BadînanEm meqaleye degerrêt be dway ew prosaney dozînewey deng, fêrbûnî peyivîn û şkandinî ew bêdengîye ke ballî be ser tundûtîjî cenderî da kêşawe, le xebatî ew jine kurde da ke deyewêt rûberrûwî stemkarî bibêtewe û wêne û şunase nerênîye be zor dasepênrawekan têk bişkênêt. Ew rêgayane be taqî dekatewe ke ew jine le xebatî da be kariyan dehênêt bo şkandinî bêdengiye be zor beserî da sepêndrawe le rêgay rûberrûbûnewey ciyakarî cenderî û gêrranewey dastangelî tundûtîjî û pawankirdin, herweku le gutarî novêlîstîkî da be kar hênrawin le nawçey Badînan. Le rêgay xwêndinewey "Meryeme Kiçejinek Ji Zemanek Dî" nûsraw le layen Sebrî Slêvanîyewe, em meqaleye ew şêwaz û rehendaney tundûtîjî be taqî dekatewe ke le rêga bawe hozgerayî û bawsalarîyekan û bunyade siyasiyekanî komellgay kurdî dway şerr le Kurdistanî 'Êraq da xirawnete ser jinanî kurdewe. Lem meqaleye da modêlî sê çînî taypolojîy tundûtîjî bekarhênrawe ke le layen zanay siyasî Johan Galtungewe dirust kirawe, be mebestî dozînewey ew rêgayaney ke pêyan karakterîstîke kesiyekanî takekan û bunyade siyasî û abûrî kelepurîyekanî komellga weku fakterî karîger nîşan drawin be ser qehrî cenderîyewe. Giringtirîn layenî mebestî em meqaleye nîşandanî ew sudbexşîye giringeye ke peywendîdarkrdinî taypolojî Galtung legell lêkollînewey fêmînîstî le gerran da be dway hewllî jinanî kurd bo rûberrûbenewe le hember perawêzxistin û xebatyan bo ewey ke danyan pêda binirêt. Herweha wesf û lêkollînewey Rîta Felski le nusînî hawçerxî jinan weku geyenerêk ke le rêgayiyewe şunasgelî siyasî û agayîy giştîy mê bunyad denirêt û nîşan dedirêt, be mebestî giftûgokirdin le ser layene bunyadî û tewerîyekanî deq, be kar hênrawe.

2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Wetherell

Every discipline which deals with the land question in Canaan-Palestine-Israel is afflicted by the problem of specialisation. The political scientist and historian usually discuss the issue of land in Israel purely in terms of interethnic and international relations, biblical scholars concentrate on the historical and archaeological question with virtually no reference to ethics, and scholars of human rights usually evade the question of God. What follows is an attempt, through theology and political history, to understand the history of the Israel-Palestine land question in a way which respects the complexity of the question. From a scrutiny of the language used in the Bible to the development of political Zionism from the late 19th century it is possible to see the way in which a secular movement mobilised the figurative language of religion into a literal ‘title deed’ to the land of Palestine signed by God.


1971 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-57
Author(s):  
William Wallace

THE STUDENT OF POLITICS AND THE PRACTITIONER OF POLITICS approach the same problem from different ends. The student is concerned with searching for the underlying realities which can explain the surface shifts of political ephemera; or perhaps with disentangling the different levels of reality which he discerns from his dispassionate observation of the political scene. The practitioner is concerned above all with the intricacies of day-to-day politics. He is interested in long-term patterns of political behaviour only insofar as they affect his political chances, or insofar as foreknowledge will enable him to change and shape the developing pattern. At the opposite ends of this division of interest in the phenomena of politics one may imagine, as ideal types, the ‘pure’ political scientist, the neutral observer of the political battle whose attitude to the contestants and their fluctuating fortunes is one of scholarly detachment, and the dedicated politician, glorying in the clash and chaos of the battlefield, with little more than contempt for those who stand aside and watch. For those who stand towards either end of this division, there are now two separate worlds of politics.


1970 ◽  
Vol 3 (03) ◽  
pp. 311-320
Author(s):  
John E. Mueller

I always vote for the man, not the party.–Trad.In its election for offices in 1969, the American Political Science Association, apparently for the first time in its rarely turbulent history, found the nominees of its Official Nominating Committee challenged by an insurgent group. In order to handle this unprecedented situation, it was decided at the annual meeting to carry out the election by mail ballot and the American Arbitration Association was engaged to administer the operation.Ballots were mailed to the 13,061 members of the Association in October, 1969. Accompanying them were materials containing statements of belief and biographies for each of the candidates. The response rate was 64 percent.The ballots carried the contestants indicated in Table 1. For each office the candidates are listed in the Table in the order of their vote result (they were listed in alphabetical order on the ballot) and for each candidate the group endorsements, as they were presented on the ballot, are indicated. Except for the group endorsements, no identifying information accompanied the names of the candidates on the ballots.


F1000Research ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 906
Author(s):  
Zahra Vafaeenejad ◽  
Fourozan Elyasi ◽  
Mahmood Moosazadeh ◽  
Zohreh Shahhosseini

Background: The set of strategies used by parents to put their children’s behaviors under control are called parenting styles, which can be influenced by numerous factors including socio-economic variables, cultural differences, personal characteristics, and psychological factors. These factors can differently contribute to parenting style. The purpose of this systematic review was to examine psychological factors affecting parenting style. Methods: This study was a comprehensive literature review using the keywords of parenting styles, psychological factors, and parenting to search the databases of Google Scholar, PubMed, Scopus, Web of , and Scientific Information Database. In this respect, 416 articles were extracted. 368 articles were removed after reviewing their abstracts and full text and eventually 48 articles were selected to elicit the required data. Results: Our findings were classified under two categories: factors related to parents (mental status, self-efficacy, parenting stress, perfectionism, personality traits, childhood trauma, marital satisfaction, parents’ attachment style, perceived parenting style, and substance abuse); and those related to children (child developmental and mental disability, child temperament, and anxiety). Conclusions: Considering the multiple psychological factors that affect parenting style, it is recommended to include an assessment of parent-child psychological status in family programs in order to identify the needs for -oriented care and take steps towards the development of parenting skills.


Afrika Focus ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 6 (3-4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sam Moyo ◽  
Tor Skalness

Much of the literature on the political determinants of African economic policies that has been produced over the last decade seems to be motivated by the need to make some sense out of the following apparent fact. Even as the characteristic policies pursued by African governments have been shown to have severely adverse consequences, sufficient internal forces are seldom mobilised to have them substituted for a more 'realistic' set of policies. Sustained external pressure from the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and other international donors seems to be necessary for such policy reorientation to occur. In other words, writers searching for the political rationality behind the typical set of African economic policies seem to assume that these policies are economically 'irrational'. If that assumption is accepted as valid, explanations of policy outcomes in terms of the dominance over the policy process of a certain coalition of special interests (for instance, Bates, 1981) attain inherent plausibility. This is so because we tend to believe that in the absence of strong political pressure to the contrary, governments would choose policies that promote growth, a sustainable balance of payments, and generally increased economic well-being for the country as a whole. It is not our intention to challenge the assumption of the economic destructiveness of past African policies here. Rather we shall concern ourselves with an issue on which there is very little consensus as to what policy direction would produce the greatest net benefit to the country as a whole, i.e., what would consitute the economically sensible course of action for a given country to pursue. This issue is land reform, and the empirical case is Zimbabwe. Since no particular course of action can simply be assumed to be economically rational as far as land reform is concerned, the task of the political scientist becomes more difficult. Simply assuming that a given decision comes about as the result of political pressure by the beneficiaries of that policy will not do. As we shall see below, proponents of land reform have been hard pressed first to show that there is indeed an economic case to be made for transformation in the ownership structure of land in Zimbabwe. Only then can the fact that no truly radical land reform has occurred in Zimbabwe plausibly be explained in terms of a particular 'disadvantageous' constellation of group and/or class forces. However, because the economic arguments against land reform have by no means been fully rebutted, there exists another possible explanation, viz. that the Zimbabwean state acts cautiously on the issue simply because it perceives radical land reform to be too risky in national economic terms. The unresolved nature of the question of the economic consequences of land reform thus forces us (1) to carefully consider the arguments made for and against structural changes, as well as (2) to consider explanations in terms of autonomous class action as well as hypotheses derived from group or class theory.


2021 ◽  
Vol 923 (1) ◽  
pp. 012066
Author(s):  
Emad Fahad Nafeh Al-Bahli ◽  
Mahmoud Hadis Jassim Al-Jumaili

Abstract The research aimed to determine the impact studied factors represented by (people’s activities, government activities, natural factors) on the deterioration of natural pastures in the Governorate of Al-Muthanna the point of view of agricultural employees in the governorate. The research included all agricultural employees with a preparatory scientific qualification in agriculture and above in the governorate their number is (94) employees. A questionnaire was prepared to collect the data necessary to achieve the objectives of the research. It consisted of two parts. The first part included the factors related to the employees, which are (term of service, academic achievement, participation in extension activities, job position and work location). The second part included a measure to identify the agricultural employees’ the point of view of on the factors affecting the deterioration of natural pastures. It consists of (46) section spread over (3) field covered by the research. The results showed that government activities have the most impact on the deterioration of natural pastures, it was found a statistically significant difference in the respondents’ point of view about the influence of the studied factors according to their personal characteristics. The researchers concluded the necessity of agricultural expansion in pasture lands and industrial investments, as well as the importance of personal factors in assigning employees who can work in the development of natural pastures, and the researchers recommend activating government laws for the protection of natural pastures to prevent abuses (people’s activities, government activities) that contributed greatly to the deterioration of vegetation cover in the research area and taking into account the factors studied in the selection of workers in the development of natural pastures in the research area.


2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (2 (246)) ◽  
pp. 49-63
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Stępińska

The aim of this paper is to recognize the factors limiting journalists’ sense of autonomy and affecting the level of their self-censorship during the last three decades of the post-transformation period. The issue will be addressed two-fold. First, we will analyze changes in the journalists’ perception on their professional autonomy. Second, we will examine trends in relations between the political system and media system in Poland since the 1990s. The findings show that in the 1990s journalists were still much more concerned about the political factors which could affect their work than about the economic ones. A decade later they had become much more aware of the economic pressures on their profession, such as owners’ expectations and market-driven journalism. In the last few years, however, the constant pressure of ongoing government reforms aimed at bringing the press under tighter political control, as well as the emphasis on ‘national’ content, has already led to some degree of self-censorship on the part of journalists.


REGIONOLOGY ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 224-245
Author(s):  
Marina A. Zhulina ◽  
Vyacheslav M. Kitsis ◽  
Svetlana V. Saraykina

Introduction. Tourism is a dynamic, constantly developing sector of the economy. Tourism economy develops along with the society, recreation and tourism. The purpose of the article is to show the features of the impact of tourism on the national economy using the case of Tunisia. The experience of Tunisia is especially useful for the countries where beach recreation has developed and where the political situation has remained difficult for a long time (Egypt, Turkey, Thailand, etc.). Materials and Methods. The article is based on the statistical data provided by the World Tourism Organization, the World Data Atlas and open Internet sources. The study employed general scientific methods (analysis, synthesis, synthesis, comparison, etc.) and special ones (the methods of mathematical statistics, the graphical method, the comparative method, etc.). Results. For the first time, the article has provided a fairly complete description of the macroeconomic indicators characterizing the level of development of international tourism in Tunisia. The article has analyzed the dynamics of inbound and outbound tourism, discussed the factors affecting the volume of international tourism, considered international tourism expenditures and revenues, which to a large extent have a positive or negative impact on the country’s balance of payments. The trends in the development of international tourism in Tunisia have been revealed and the problems facing the industry have been identified. Discussion and Conclusion. The research has revealed that tourism economy largely depends on the political and economic processes taking place in the country. The current level of macroeconomic indicators of tourism economy in Tunisia lags behind the 2008–2009 figures. The results of the study made it possible to assess the current state of international tourism and make a number of suggestions aimed at increasing the level of development of international tourism in the country. The results of the study can contribute to the development of a program aimed to boost tourism economy in Tunisia, one of the key tasks of which should be that of increasing performance at the macro-level.


Author(s):  
Duong Dac Quang Hao ◽  
Tran Thai Hoa ◽  
Nguyen Huu Dung

Abstract: This study aims to develop and test the integrative model of the factors affecting customers’ acceptance intention of the adoption of blockchain technology. Data were collected from a sample of 195 customers who have been conducting transactions at Dong A Bank – Hue branch. Samples are selected by using the systematic random sampling method. Structural equation modelling (SEM) is used to test the hypothesized relationships. The findings indicate that six out of eight tested relationships are supported. Perceived usefulness (PU) and Perceived ease of use (PEU) are the most critical factors affecting customers’ Attitude (AT). Attitude also has a direct and positive correlation to customers’ acceptance Intention (IN). Notably, Personal characteristics (PC) and Risk perception (RP) are the two most influential factors affecting Perceived usefulness. And, the Perceived ease of use factor is only affected by customers’ Self-command (SC). In general, this study contributes to enriching the existing knowledge of blockchain adoption in banks and helps banks figure out an efficient way to adopt blockchain technology.Keywords: customers’ acceptance, blockchain adoption, Dong A Bank, Hue branch


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-151
Author(s):  
N. A. Baranov ◽  
Sevgi Kok

Kazakhstan, like most of the multi-ethnic post-Soviet states, in the course of state building, faced the problem of rallying the peoples living in the Republic. Two interrelated projects were being implemented on the political agenda of Kazakhstan: the construction of state institutions and the formation of a civil nation. In a multi-ethnic state, the project of a civil nation is difficult due to the attempts of the titular ethnic group to obtain additional advantages, which causes tension in interethnic relations. The identification of the population, often, occurs by ethnicity, therefore, the policy of civic identity in Kazakhstan is opposed to the “Kazakhization” of language, culture, and social practices. Nevertheless, the process of unification of the nation is successfully developing in the Republic, initiated by the political elite of Kazakhstan. Achievement of national unity was declared a strategic priority in the development of the country. The article analyzes the factors affecting collective identity in the Republic of Kazakhstan: demographic diversity, language policy, state symbols. The article concludes that Kazakhstan is building its statehood based on the domination of the Kazakh ethnic elite, while pursuing a policy of uniting different ethnic groups into a single Kazakh nation.


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