Saving the Survivors: Yezidi Women, Islamic State and the German Admissions Program

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas McGee

Brutality and sexual violence perpetrated by the Islamic State (IS) group against women and girls held in captivity have left traumatic effects on survivors and their communities. In this context, the German federal state of Baden-Württemberg launched a novel ‘Special Quota’ Humanitarian Admissions Programme to receive one thousand vulnerable women and children. They are predominantly from the Yezidi religious minority in Iraq and its autonomous Kurdistan Region. The programme serves as a noble precedent for new and expanded forms of international protection to those affected by conflict-related sexual violence and associated trauma. This article draws, however, on interviews with participants of the programme in order to consider critically the gendered assumptions embedded within its design, implementation and related discourse. Research findings indicate that explicit exclusion of all adult male family members from accompanying the vulnerable “womenandchildren” [1]to Germany is against the wishes and self-perceived best interests of some women survivors. Moreover, women’s inability to maintain family unity compounds their lack of agency to determine the conditions of their own recovery and future within the programme framework.[1] This article borrows the one-word compound term coined by feminist writer Cynthia Enloe to evoke the treatment of women within a conflated conceptual category of diminished personal agency and essentialised vulnerability.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIXelaskirina yên saxmayî. Jinên êzidî, Dewleta Îslamî û bernameya Almanyayê ya qebûlê Wehşet û şideta cinsî ya ji hêla Dewleta Îslamî pêk hatî li hember jin û keçên dîl tesîrên trawmatîk li ser ên xelasbûyî û li ser cemaetên wan hiştiye. Di vê çarçoveyê de, eyaleta Alman a Baden-Württemberg bernameyeke nû “Kotaya Taybet” a Bernameya Însanî ya Qebûlkirinê da destpêkirin da ku hezar jin û zarokên di rewşa hesas de qebûl bike. Ew jî bi piranî ji kêmîneya olî ya êzidiyan pêk tên li Iraqê û li Herêma Otonom ya Kurdistanê. Bername wek pêşengeke hêja ye ji bo awayên nû û berfireh ên vehewandin û parastina navneteweyî ji wan kesan re ku ketine ber şideta seksî ya ji ber şer û trawmayên ji wê çêbûyî. Ev meqale xwe dispêre hevpeyvînên ligel beşdarên bernameyê ji bo ku bi awayekî rexneyî li wan pêşferzên cinsî yên di binyad û dîzayn û tetbîq û gotara wê de. Encamên lêkolîne nîşan didin ku bi eşkereyî rênedana hemû endamên mêr ên malbatê da ligel “jin û zarokên” di rewşa hesas de werin Almanyayê li dijî daxwaz û baştirîn feydeya (bi baweriya wan) hin ji wan jinên xelasbûyî ye. Herwiha, zehmetiya jinan ji bo parastina yekîtiya malbatên xwe kêmasiya bikeriya wan jî xurttir dike ku ew bi xwe karibin biryarê bigrin ji bo şert û mercên qencbûna xwe û dahatûya xwe di nav çarçoveya bernameyê de.ABSTRACT IN SORANIRizgarkrdinî zîndûmawan, jinanî êzdî, Dewlletî Îslamî û programî wergirtinî EllmanîEw weḧşiyet û tundûtîjîye sêksîyey û ke le layen grupî Dewlletî Îslamîyewe le dijî jinan û kiçanî be dîlgraw hatote encam dan, karîgerîy tirawmatîkî le ser zîndûmawan û komellgakanyan be cê hêştûwe. Lem kontêkste da wîlayetî fîdirrallîy Baden Wurtembêrgî Ellmanya programêkî be nawî pişkî taybet (Special Quota) dest pê kird ke brîtîye le prrogramêkî xêrxwazîy bo wergirtin, bo pêşwazîkirdin le yek hezar jin û mindallî brînbar. Zortirînyan ser be kemîney ayînî êzdîn le 'Êraq û herêmî Kurdistanin. Ew prrograme wek despêşxerîyekî nayab şwênî xoy kirdotewe bo brewdan be şêwazî nwêtir û berfrawantirî parastinî nêwneteweyî bo ewaney ke kewtûnete jêr karîgerîy tundûtîjîy sêksî û ew tirawmayey ke bew hoyewe tûşyan bûwe. Le ser binemay çawpêkewtingelî encamdraw legell beşdarbûwanî programeke da em meqaleye be şêweyekî rexnegirane ew grîmane cenderîyane şî dekatewe ke le naw nawerrok û şêwazî cêbecêkirdin û gutarî peywendîdar dan. Encamekanî lêkollînewe derî dexen ke xistinederî tewawî endame nêrînekanî xêzan ke hawşanî "jinan û mindallan"î brînbar birron bo Ellmanya le dijî wîst û pêdawîstîye kesîyekanî hendêk le jine zîndumawekane. Herweha nebûnî twanayîy ewey ke jinekan xêzanekanyan be yekgirtûwîy bihêllinewe, rêga le karabûnyan degirêt le pêkhênanî mercekanî çareserî û dahatûyan le çwarçêwey ew programe da.

Author(s):  
Lauren Aarons

In recent years, the term 'tactic of terrorism' has increasingly been used to describe conflict-related sexual violence and human trafficking by non-state armed groups. This framing has complemented (and at times replaced) the longstanding recognition of 'rape as a weapon of war' including at the UN Security Council. This association with terrorism has tactical advantages but also poses wider risks for the realization of human rights. On the one hand, it has the potential to engage counter-terrorism powers and resources to prosecute perpetrators and prompt reparations. However, it also risks legitimizing harmful counter-terror measures and obscuring a more comprehensive understanding of the gendered harms associated with conflict and terrorism. With particular reference to the conflicts involving Boko Haram and Islamic State, this article weighs the advantages and costs of framing sexual violence and human trafficking as a 'tactic of terrorism' in order to inform and warn feminist human rights advocates.


2003 ◽  
Vol 29 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 269-299
Author(s):  
Janna C. Merrick

Main Street in Sarasota, Florida. A high-tech medical arts building rises from the east end, the county's historic three-story courthouse is two blocks to the west and sandwiched in between is the First Church of Christ, Scientist. A verse inscribed on the wall behind the pulpit of the church reads: “Divine Love Always Has Met and Always Will Meet Every Human Need.” This is the church where William and Christine Hermanson worshipped. It is just a few steps away from the courthouse where they were convicted of child abuse and third-degree murder for failing to provide conventional medical care for their seven-year-old daughter.This Article is about the intersection of “divine love” and “the best interests of the child.” It is about a pluralistic society where the dominant culture reveres medical science, but where a religious minority shuns and perhaps fears that same medical science. It is also about the struggle among different religious interests to define the legal rights of the citizenry.


Author(s):  
Lotte De Schrijver ◽  
Tom Vander Beken ◽  
Barbara Krahé ◽  
Ines Keygnaert

(1) Background: Sexual violence (SV) is a major public health problem, with negative socio-economic, physical, mental, sexual, and reproductive health consequences. Migrants, applicants for international protection, and refugees (MARs) are vulnerable to SV. Since many European countries are seeing high migratory pressure, the development of prevention strategies and care paths focusing on victimised MARs is highly needed. To this end, this study reviews evidence on the prevalence of SV among MAR groups in Europe and the challenges encountered in research on this topic. (2) Methods: A critical interpretive synthesis of 25 peer-reviewed academic studies and 22 relevant grey literature documents was conducted based on a socio-ecological model. (3) Results: Evidence shows that SV is highly frequent in MARs in Europe, yet comparison with other groups is still difficult. Methodologically and ethically sound representative studies comparing between populations are still lacking. Challenges in researching SV in MARs are located at the intrapersonal, interpersonal, community, societal, and policy levels. (4) Conclusions: Future research should start with a clear definition of the concerned population and acts of SV to generate comparable data. Participatory qualitative research approaches could be applied to better grasp the complexity of interplaying determinants of SV in MARs.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-259
Author(s):  
Siti Rofi’ah ◽  
Jasminto

This research aimed to find and stimulate self-efficacy of children victims of gender-based sexual violence using the Asset Based Community Development (ABCD) method with the Apreciative Inquiry technique, individual assets and social assets owned by victims of sexual violence. Research findings show that  children who are victims of sexual violence are able to accept their condition today, realize their condition and have confidence that they still have success in the future, they will be successful in proving themselves that despite being victims of sexual violence they are able to achieve success in life by continuing school both formal and chase packages, working according to the field of expertise (working in a pharmacy, online business, training in cooking, continuing the business of parents).


2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 233-250
Author(s):  
Péter Balogh

In this paper we introduce some relevant research results about the role of social embeddedness and social resources in the sphere of social conflicts and violence. In accordance with the actual state of the investigation process the outcomes presented in this analysis are focusing on the activities of the so called ‘Islamic State’or ISIS – considered to be a rather effective terrorism exporter recently. After briefly outlining the broader – global – context of terrorist organizations, the particular characteristics of the activities of ISIS and some elements of the conceptual frame, the study highlights empirically two potential explaining factors of the success of the terrorist organization. On the one hand the influencing network – primarily linked to the cyber sphere – of the Islamic State is explored, demonstrating a notable focus on the developed countries of Europe. On the other hand the paper summarizes the main conclusions from a case study on the recruitment base of the militants in Brussels of the terrorist organization investigating the relationship between the territorial distribution of the ISIS foreign fighters in city and the extent of segregation of the Islamic population in the different districts, including also certain socio-demographic factors to shed light on the significance of the broader – unfavourable – social context.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 68-76
Author(s):  
Hamada Muhammed Hagras

The Huisheng mosque in Guangzhou is one of China's oldest mosques; its initial construction dates back to 627. The minaret of the mosque is one of the surviving earliest examples of Islamic architecture in China. The Chinese minarets were built with a form of a wooden low-rise Chinese pavilion. In the case of Guangta, it was built by brick directly on the street with such a great height. The unique architectural form of Guangta raises many questions about its location, architecture, and function. The study traces the historical texts of the minaret to clarify its historical functions. It attempts to understand the minaret's meanings, the hidden symbolism, and its historical roles to serve the Muslim community as a religious minority in the city, on the one hand, as well as its cultural contributions on the other hand. There are several methods to achieve its objectives: the historical, the descriptive, and the comparative analytical approach. These approaches proved that the minaret played many roles associated with its form and architecture. In addition to its religious functions, it is entrusted to inform Muslims at prayer times. The minaret was also used as a control tower if the Muslim community in the city was exposed to external or internal threats and served as a lighthouse to facilitate Muslim maritime trade. Further, it carried a religious symbolism as it was a symbol of Islam itself within the local Chinese society that was not ruled by Muslims. 


Author(s):  
Heri Herdiawanto ◽  
Valina Singka Subekti

This study examines Hamka's political thinking about Islam and the State in the Basic State debate that took place in the Constituent Assembly 1956-1959. Hamka belongs to the basic group of defenders of the Islamic state with Mohammad Natsir in the Masyumi faction, fighting for Islamic law before other factions namely the Nationalists, Communists, Socialists, Catholics-Protestants and members of the Constituent Assembly who are not fractured. Specifically examines the issue of why Islam is fought for as a state basis by Hamka. and how Hamka thought about the relationship between Islam and the state. The research method used is a type of library research with literature studies or documents consisting of primary and secondary data and reinforced by interviews. The theory used in this study is the theory of religious relations (Islam) and the state. This study found the first, according to Hamka, the Islamic struggle as the basis of the state was as a continuation of the historical ideals of the Indonesian national movement. The second was found that the constituent debate was the repetition of Islamic and nationalist ideological debates in the formulation of the Jakarta Charter. Third, this study also found Hamka's view that the One and Only God Almighty means Tauhid or the concept of the Essence of Allah SWT. The implication of this research theory is to strengthen Islamic thinking legally formally, that is thinking that requires Islam formally plays a major role in state life. The conclusion is that Indonesian society is a heterogeneous society in terms of religion. This means that constitutionally the state recognizes the diversity of religions embraced by the Indonesian people and guarantees the freedom of every individual to embrace religion and realize the teachings he believes in all aspects of life. Hamka in the Constituent Assembly stated that the struggle to establish a state based on Islam rather than a secular state for Islamic groups was a continuation of the ideals of historical will.


2020 ◽  
pp. 135050682090498
Author(s):  
Louise du Toit ◽  
Elisabet le Roux

The authors identify a pervasive tendency, especially in the world of development and humanitarian response, to hierarchize or prioritize certain types of victims of sexual violence in armed conflict over others. Within this broader context, they focus on what a considered feminist acknowledgement of male victims of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) should look like. On the one hand, they emphasize that one and the same patriarchal template is used to humiliate and shame male and female victims of sexual violence alike. On the other, they urge that in light of the pervasiveness of patriarchal ideology and its harmful and wide-reaching social effects, the time is not yet ripe to endorse a gender-blind approach to CRSV.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 214-219
Author(s):  
Kelly-Jo Bluen

In their contribution to the AJIL Symposium, Robinson and MacNeil remark that a prolific legacy of the International Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) is that “it is now commonsense that rape is and must be a war crime.” This line distills the complexity of the legacies of the tribunals regarding sexual and gender-based violence. On the one hand, it articulates the critical role of the tribunals in cementing the idea that sexual violence, hitherto largely relegated to indifference in international criminal law and policy frameworks, is worthy of international attention. Simultaneously, it encapsulates the ways in which the tribunals’ jurisprudence has been received globally to narrate a narrow conception of conflict-related sexual violence as a “weapon of war” or committed as part of “strategic” conflict-related goals. In fact, there is little that constitutes common sense about sexual violence in conflict, nor is it always, or even most predominantly, committed as a war crime, crime against humanity,or in pursuit of genocide as envisaged by international criminal law. Various studies suggest that sexual violence in war takes many forms and causalities with differentiation across and within conflict contexts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-26
Author(s):  
Ivan Koprek

How do we relate globalisation to other types of mondialisation, such as communications and economics? The answer should be: any globalisation should be motivated by the general interest of humanity and striving to that aim. In practice, this means that international protection of human rights and environmental rights need not only jurisdictional (legal–political) but also, above all, ethical standards. Without it, a conflict between different types of globalisation could become damaging, almost dangerous. The very idea of the global village that has so well explained the phenomenon of mondialisation can assist in solving the problems that need to be addressed. One of the features of each village is the intense connection among the inhabitants. That phenomenon is now present globally, which is the essence of globalisation. That implies a global responsibility that must be implemented on the one hand by communities and the other by individuals, especially those who serve in the service of community — politicians. The crucial question arises, “How to define the responsibility of one and the others?” It is evident that at the top of the pyramid, there are major planetary problems whose solutions require the cooperation of all nations and countries. The straightforward phrase “Think globally, act locally”, expresses the rule of the fundamental game of the global world and its diversity — a possible ethic of sustainable development.


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