scholarly journals The Formation of the Avia-Technological Structure in the Times of World War I

2020 ◽  
pp. 120-185
Author(s):  
N.Yu. Selishchev
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Chemical Weapon ◽  
Aircraft Industry ◽  
Military Organization ◽  
Technological Structure ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Times ◽  
The Military

The paper discusses the development of the aircraft industry and the military organization in Russia, France, Great Britain, the USA, Germany, Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman Empire with the primary attention to the Caucasus’s army, the Black Sea Fleet and to the Southern-Western front. It is proved that the Turkish aviation took the active part in the genocide of Armenians, that the Turks made secret test-flights of the newest German aircraft’s types before their starting up in the serial production. It is established, when and in which place in the Asia Minor the Turks used the chemical weapon. The comparative analysis of the development of the foreign and of the Russian aircraft firms is made with the primary attention to the fates of the organizers of the Russian aircraft industry – Major-General M.V. Shidlovsky and S.S. Schetinin. Firstly, with the help of the government of Paraguay, the date of Schetinin’s birth and death is established. The Guerra del Chaco (1932–1935) is studied as the direct continuation of the WWI. Its analysis is based on the works of W. Churchill, Marshal F. Foch, Infantry’s General Yu.N. Danilov, military historian A.A. Kersnovsky. The making of the aircraft’s technological structure in the WWI is considered according to theory of the social clasterism of V.L. Makarov and to the theory of long waves of V.E. Dementiev.

scholarly journals The Committee of Members of the Constituent Assembly as a Left-Democratic Alternative to the Communists and the Whites in the Civil War

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Shubin
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
World War I ◽  
Private Property ◽  
State Regulation ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

The Committee of Members of the Constituent Assembly (Komuch) was an option in the Civil War that was essentially distinct from both the Soviet and the White alternatives. Komuch differed from the Soviet and the White authorities, as it was characterised by a combination of advanced socioeconomic policy and a dogmatically principled commitment to parliamentary democracy. In the event of the military victory of such a power, the success of the social democratic model was not guaranteed (as the history of Europe during the interwar period demonstrated), but Russia’s chances of moving along a path that combined a social state and democratic institutions would have increased markedly. While criticising, and in many respects rightly so, the military policy of the Bolsheviks, the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks had to partially restore market capitalist relations. Their successful development was possible with the cooperation of the government and the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie demanded the dismantlement of “socialist conquests”, which Komuch was not going to do – both for ideological reasons and because the capitalist economy had begun to disintegrate during World War I and the Revolution. Komuch’s path involved the combination of a market economy (not necessarily just capitalist), state regulation, and broad social rights. After the Bolshevik promises, the workers and peasants took it quite calmly, fearing the possible cancellation of the social gains of the Revolution and expressing dissatisfaction with violations of promised civil rights. But the bourgeoisie, convinced of the “inconsistency” of dismantling institutions that infringed on the right of private property, stood in sharp opposition to Komuch, betting on its opponents in the anti-Soviet camp. At the same time, Komuch did not have time to build a state system for monitoring compliance with social rights and had to rely on the activity of trade unions, which, due to their social function, were critical of the government – in this case, Komuch. Komuch followed the law regulating the socialisation of land adopted by the Constituent Assembly and proposed a relatively successful version of regulating the food supply for the cities. Initially, the people’s army created by Komuch was also successful (enjoying support from the Czechoslovak Corps). However, Komuch faced a blockade by the Provisional Siberian Government. It was the opposition of more right-wing forces in the rear that predetermined the defeat of the Komuch alternative.

The British Cabinet and the Anglo-French Staff Talks, 1905–1914: Who Knew What and When Did He Know It?

1985 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-131 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Coogan ◽  
Peter F. Coogan
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
World War ◽  
French Military ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Two Generations ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
First World

The role of the British cabinet in the Anglo-French military conversations prior to the First World War has been and remains controversial. The acrimonious debate within the government during November 1911 seems linked inextricably to the flood of angry memoirs that followed August 1914 and to the continuing historical debate over the actions and motivations of the various ministers involved. Two generations of researchers now have examined an enormous body of evidence, yet the leading modern scholars continue to publish accounts that differ on the most basic questions. Historians have proved no more able than the ministers themselves were to reconcile the contradictory statements of honorable men. The persistence of these differences in historical literature demonstrates both the continuing confusion over the cabinet's role in the military conversations and the need for a renewed effort to resolve this confusion.The starting point for any discussion of the staff talks must be the recognition that the meaning of the term changed significantly over the nine years before the outbreak of World War I. The contacts began with a series of informal discussions between senior British and French officers during 1905. The first systematic conversations took place early in January 1906 under the authority of Lord Esher, a permanent member of the Committee of Imperial Defence (CID), and Sir George Clarke, the CID secretary. Later in that month a small group of ministers, including Prime Minister Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, sanctioned formal, ongoing exchanges between the two general staffs.

The Formative Years of the British Aircraft Industry, 1913–1924

1969 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 476-495 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Fearon
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Government Policy ◽  
Civil Aviation ◽  
Aircraft Industry ◽  
World War ◽  
Export Markets ◽  
The Future ◽  
Military Orders ◽  
The Military ◽  
Formative Years

Although early British aircraft manufacturers attempted to exploit the private, civil aviation, and export markets for their products, the military market became the most important one by World War I. Mr. Fearon shows that the aircraft industry was largely dependent on military orders, but that government policy in this area tended to retard rather than promote progress and growth. It was only the optimism of the pioneer firms about the future which made the expansion of the industry possible.

scholarly journals VOJAŠKOGEOGRAFSKA RAZSEŽNOST DOBRUDŽE IN (SLOVENSKI) PROSTOVOLJCI NA TEM BOJIŠČU V PRVI SVETOVNI VOJNI

2014 ◽  
pp. 51-70
Author(s):  
JOŽE ROZMAN
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Main Part ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Spatial Structures ◽  
World War ◽  
Danube Basin ◽  
South Eastern ◽  
Historical Heritage ◽  
The Military ◽  
Geographical Dimension

Predstavljena je Dobrudža, geografska regija v jugovzhodnem delu Evrope, ki ima pomembne vojaškogeografske, geostrateške in geopolitične značilnosti. Določajo jih bližina kriznih žarišč, občasna mednacionalna trenja na širšem območju Podonavja, zgodovinska dediščina in geoprometna pomembnost. V prispevku so predstavljene splošne in fizične geografske danosti območja. Prikazan je razvoj prostorskih struktur, ki odločilno vplivajo na geoprometni položaj regije. Osrednji del prispevka predstavlja Dobrudžo kot bojišče operativnih razsežnosti in udeležbo Slovencev v bojih ter operacijah prve svetovne vojne na vzhodnem in jugovzhodnem bojevališču. Nakazane so nekatere sodobne geopolitične in geostrateške značilnosti območja. Zadnji del prispevka opozarja na vojaškogeografsko razsežnost in pomen Dobrudže zaradi bližine kriznih žarišč in nestabilnosti obrobja Črnega morja. We are presenting Dobrogea, a geographical region in south-eastern part of Europe with important military geographical, geostrategic and geopolitical characteristics. These are determined by the proximity of crisis areas, occasional international frictions in the wider Danube Basin, historical heritage and geostrategic importance. The article presents general and physical geographic resources of the area. It illuminates the development of spatial structures which decisively impact the geo- traffic situation of the region. The main part of the article presents Dobrogea as a battlefield with operational dimensions, and the participation of Slovenians in World War I battles and operations in eastern and south-eastern battlefields. It points to some of the contemporary geopolitical and geostrategic characteristics of the region. The final part of the article, however, brings attention to the military geographical dimension and the importance of Dobrogea due to the proximity of crisis areas and instabilities of the Black Sea fringe.

scholarly journals WAR, MONEY, MERCY: ARMY AND UNIONS OF LANDS AND CITIES IN THE YEARS OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR

2021 ◽  
pp. 5-23
Author(s):  
Александр Борисович Асташов
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Public Organizations ◽  
Home Front ◽  
World War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Total War ◽  
Military Mobilization ◽  
The Government ◽  
Evacuation Plan ◽  
The Military

В историографии Февральской революции продолжает господствовать политизированный подход в освещении деятельности общественных организаций помощи больным и раненым, используется узкая база, привлекаемые источники страдают односторонностью. Автор предлагает отказаться от политизированности при решении данной проблемы и рассмотреть этот вопрос в свете особенностей Первой мировой войны, как тотальной, требовавшей значительного участия общественности в мобилизации тыла. В настоящей работе используются новые архивные материалы, которые позволяют поновому, максимально объективно рассмотреть ряд вопросов. Настоящая статья имеет целью выявление причин обращения армии за помощью к Всероссийским союзам земств и городов, выявление основных аспектов плана эвакуации, места в нем общественных организаций, вопросов сотрудничества на фронте и в тылу армии и общественности. В работе приводятся данные о финансировании, его структуре, объемах помощи, ее эффективности со стороны союзов земств и городов, их вклад в решение деловых вопросов в сфере санитарного обеспечения армии и населения, а также вопросы нарушений в организации этой деятельности. Автор фокусирует внимание на вынужденности для армии использовать работу союзов земств и городов, как самых крупных инициативных помощников в военной мобилизации общества. Но это же поставило армию перед необходимостью защищать деятельность союзов от нападок консервативных сил в правительстве, даже несмотря на нарушения в деятельности общественных организаций. In the historiography of the February Revolution the politicized approach to the coverage of the activity of public organizations for the help to the sick and wounded continues to dominate, a narrow base is used, and the sources used suffer from onesidedness. The author proposes to abandon politicization in tackling this problem and to consider this question in the light of the peculiarities of the World War I as a total war, which demanded considerable public participation in the mobilization of the home front. This paper uses new archival materials, which allow a new, most objective examination of a number of issues. The present article is aimed at revealing the reasons of the army's request for help to the All-Russian unions of zemstvos and cities, revealing the main aspects of the evacuation plan, the place of public organizations in it, the issues of cooperation at the front and in the rear of the army and the public. The work provides data on financing, its structure, scope of assistance, its efficiency on the part of zemstvos and towns unions, their contribution to solving business questions in the field of sanitary provision of the army and population, as well as the questions of violations in the organization of this activity. The author focuses on the necessity for the army to use the work of zemstvo and city unions as the largest proactive helpers in the military mobilization of society. But this also put the army in the position of having to defend the activities of the unions against the attacks of conservative forces in the government, even in spite of the irregularities in the activities of public organizations.

HUKUM DAN TEKLOGI SUATU KAJIAN TEORITIS TERHADAP PENOMENA LAYANAN TRANSFORTASI ONLINE

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Aria Dimas Harapan
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Theoretical Study ◽  
Legal Protection ◽  
Creative Economy ◽  
Legal Certainty ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Times

ABSTRACTThe essence of this study describes the theoretical study of the phenomenon transfortation services online. Advances in technology have changed the habits of the people to use online transfortation In fact despite legal protection in the service based services transfortation technological sophistication has not been formed and it became warm conversation among jurists. This study uses normative juridical research. This study found that the first, the Government must accommodate transfotation online phenomenon in the form of rules that provide legal certainty; second, transfortation online as part of the demands of the times based on technology; third, transfortation online as part of the creative economy for economic growth . 

Regime Change in Contemporary Turkey

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Necati Polat
Keyword(s):  
Recent Change ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
New Order ◽  
Making Sense ◽  
Turkish Politics ◽  
Subsequent Phase ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Military

This book explores the transformation of Turkey’s political regime from 2002 under the AKP rule. Turkey has been through a series of major political shifts historically, roughly from the mid-19th century. The book details the most recent change, locating it in its broader historical setting. Beginning with the AKP rule from late 2002, supported by a wide informal coalition that included liberals, it describes how the ‘former’ Islamists gradually acquired full power between 2007 and 2011. It then chronicles the subsequent phase, looking at politics and rights under the amorphous new order. This highly accessible assessment of the change in question places it in the larger context of political modernisation in the country over the past 150 or so years, covering all of the main issues in contemporary Turkish politics: the religious and secular divide, the Kurds, the military, foreign policy orientation, the state of human rights, the effective concentration of powers in the government and a rule by policy, rather than law, initiated by Erdogan’s increasingly authoritarian populism. The discussion at once situates Turkey in the broader milieu of the Arab Spring, especially in terms of Islamist politics and Muslim piety in the public sphere, with some emphasis on ‘Islamo-nationalism’ (Millî Görüş) as a local Islamist variety. Effortlessly blending history, politics, law, social theory and philosophy in making sense of the change, the book uses the concept of mimesis to show that continuity is a key element in Turkish politics, despite the series of radical breaks that have occurred.

Cinema's Military Industrial Complex

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Mobile Technologies ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
Physical And Mental Health ◽  
World War ◽  
Film Exhibition ◽  
Record Keeping ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
The Military

Cinema’s Military Industrial Complex examines how the American military has used cinema and related visual, sonic, and mobile technologies to further its varied aims. The essays in this book address the way cinema was put to work for purposes of training, orientation, record keeping, internal and external communication, propaganda, research and development, tactical analysis, surveillance, physical and mental health, recreation, and morale. The contributors examine the technologies and types of films that were produced and used in collaboration among the military, film industry, and technology manufacturers. The essays also explore the goals of the American state, which deployed the military and its unique modes of filmmaking, film exhibition, and film viewing to various ends. Together, the essays reveal the military’s deep investment in cinema, which began around World War I, expanded during World War II, continued during the Cold War (including wars in Korea and Vietnam), and still continues in the ongoing War on Terror.

Toxic Leadership in the Military Organization – A Theoretical Approach to Failed Leadership

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 182-185
Author(s):  
Alexandru Baboș ◽  
Raluca Rusu
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Differences ◽  
Theoretical Approach ◽  
Personal Characteristics ◽  
Toxic Leadership ◽  
Military Organization ◽  
The Military

AbstractThe toxic leadership refers to destructive behaviours and leaders’ personal characteristics which cause serious damage to the subordinates and organizations. Still, what is toxic for the military in one country can be good in another one, given the cultural differences. This article wants to emphasize, from a theoretical approach, the main characteristics and effects of toxic leadership within the military organization.

Corporate culture as a driver of the corporate security of foreign military-industrial enterprises

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (12) ◽  
pp. 2363-2380
Author(s):  
S.B. Zainullin ◽  
O.A. Zainullina
Keyword(s):  
Corporate Culture ◽  
Economic Security ◽  
The State ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Corporate Security ◽  
Industrial Enterprises ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Military

Subject. The military-industrial complex is one of the core industries in any economy. It ensures both the economic and global security of the State. However, the economic security of MIC enterprises strongly depends on the State and other stakeholders. Objectives. We examine key factors of corporate culture in terms of theoretical and practical aspects. The article identifies the best implementation of corporate culture that has a positive effect on the corporate security in the MIC of the USA, the United Kingdom, the European Union, Japan ans China. Methods. The study employs dialectical method of research, combines the historical and logic unity, structural analysis, traditional techniques of economic analysis and synthesis. Results. We performed the comparative analysis of corporate culture models and examined how they are used by the MIC corporations with respect to international distinctions. Conclusions and Relevance. The State is the main stakeholder of the MIC corporations, since it acts as the core customer represented by the military department. It regulates and controls operations. The State is often a major shareholder of such corporations. Employees are also important stakeholders. Hence, trying to satisfy stakeholders' needs by developing the corporate culture, corporations mitigate their key risks and enhance their corporate security.

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