Wilfred Bion's Letters to John Rickman (1939–1951)Introduction

2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimitris Vonofakos ◽  
Bob Hinshelwood

This is a collection of 29 letters, 27 from Wilfred Bion to John Rickman, one addressed to Mrs Rickman and one from Rickman to Bion. These letters have been fully transcribed, annotated and published for the first time and offer a rare glimpse into the blossoming relationship between the two men and the gradual emergence of Bion's intellect through his work in War Office Selection Boards (WOSBs), the Northfield Military hospital and the exploratory groups at the Tavistock Clinic.Through this material it becomes evident that Bion's fascination with the work undertaken at WOSBs had more to do with the social ramifications of the principles and ideology applied there rather than with particular techniques per se, such as ‘leaderless groups’. Furthermore, the reader becomes witness to Rickman's profound influence on Bion's analytic work and in cultivating his interest in therapeutic institutions, ultimately leading to their groundbreaking work at Northfield Military hospital. While Bion's descriptions of his post-war group work at the Tavistock Clinic offer the first signs of his unique theory and technique on the exploration of group dynamics. The continuation of their correspondence until Rickman's untimely death is a testament to their strong collegial and personal relationship which transcended analytical work and other professional engagements.

Author(s):  
A. Dirk Moses

This article describes the genocide concept of Raphael Lemkin. Genocide is a curious anomaly in the post-war regime of international humanitarian law, which is dominated by the discourse of human rights with its emphasis on individuals. It embodies the social ontology of ‘groupism’, because genocide is about the destruction of groups per se, not individuals per se. Lemkin thought that the Nazi policies were radically new, but only in the context of modern civilization. Wars of extermination have marked human society from antiquity until the religious conflagrations of early modern Europe, after which the doctrine that dominated was that war should be conducted against states rather than populations. Given that forty-nine members of his family died in the Holocaust, Lemkin's ecumenical approach to human suffering is at once astonishing and exemplary.


2019 ◽  
pp. 299-307
Author(s):  
Oleh RADCHENKO

The peculiarities of legal regulation of pension provision of servicemen and their families on the territory of modern Ukraine in the XVIII–XX centuries are investigated. In particular, it has been established that for the first time the right to pension provision was regulated by Peter I in 1720 in the Marine Statute, which provided service pension, disability pension and survivor’s pension. It was also determined that during the royal period, the provision of pensions was not properly arranged. The new pension system for servicemen began to be built up after the overthrow of the tsarist regime, which was the reason for the October Revolution of the Bolsheviks, but it was far from perfect. Consolidation of the right to pension, its types and conditions of appointment at the normative level did not mean the receipt of pensions. From 1919 till 1924, pension provision for servicemen and their families on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR developed as a republican, in accordance with the regulations of the normative legal acts adopted by the SNK of the UkrSSR, and from 1924, all-Union bodies were formed, therefore further legislation, in particular the one that concerned pension provision, has developed not as a republican, but as all-union. It was also found out that despite the fact that in the period of the Great Patriotic War and the post-war period, the social security of servicemen in general, and pensions in particular, were placed in priority areas, their financial situation and members of their families were at a very low level. It has been established that a number of features of retirement provision for servicemen and members of their families, established in pre-Soviet and Soviet periods, have survived to the present. In particular, it is relevant to types of pensions, stimulation of a later retirement, and differentiation of the size of the pension depending on the disability group, etc.


Author(s):  
Benjamin Brummernhenrich ◽  
Michael J. Baker ◽  
Lucas M. Bietti ◽  
Françoise Détienne ◽  
Regina Jucks

AbstractSmall group work offers the opportunity for students to engage in many-sided discussions. Students can learn how to argue standpoints and develop argumentative competence (i.e. learning to argue) but may also, by using argumentative structures, learn about and tease apart relevant facets of the topic at hand (i.e. arguing to learn). Although these processes can be beneficial for both arguing to learn as well as learning to argue, their success is predicated on the characteristics of the group enacting them. Discussions happen in a social, interpersonal context. Especially in small group collaborative learning, the social relationships between students should have a stronger and more direct impact on the form and content of their contributions than in more direct, teacher-led instruction. In this chapter, we will seek to specify the relations between cognitive and social aspects of collaborative argumentation and illustrate them with an example from the DIALLS lesson recordings.


2014 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 232-245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra G.L. Schruijer ◽  
Petru L. Curseu

Purpose – The paper aims to describe and understand the gap between the psychodynamic literature on groups and the social psychological perspective on group dynamics. Design/methodology/approach – As Wilfred Bion is the most influential group dynamics representative of the psychodynamic tradition the authors performed a citation analysis of Bion's work to find out whether it influenced the social psychological research on group dynamics. They compared three domains of literature: therapy/clinical, management/organization studies and social psychology. Moreover, they depict (by drawing on interviews with European pioneers in social psychology) the historical context in which European social psychology developed to explain the gap between the psychodynamic and social psychological approaches in the study of group dynamics. Findings – The results clearly indicate the existence of a gap between the social psychological and psychodynamic perspectives on group dynamics. Moreover, the authors show that Bion did influence scholars studying or working with real-life groups and is cited more by American than European scholars. The attempt to build a legitimate scientific identity for social psychology provides a context for understanding of the neglect of the psychodynamic tradition. Research limitations/implications – The authors conclude by exploring ways in which the psychodynamic tradition may fertilize the social psychological tradition in studying groups. Originality/value – The paper is one of the first to address the discrepancy between the social psychological and psychodynamic perspectives in the study of group dynamics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 195-208
Author(s):  
Galyna Starodubets

The purpose of the study. The peculiarities of everyday life in the Ukrainian village during the late Stalinism in the framework of women’s survival experience during the first postwar decade are highlighted in the article. The research is based on the memories of peasant women of Zhytomyr region, whose childhood took place in the 1940s. Methodological basis of the study is historical-anthropological approach, with one of its manifestations being the history of everyday life. Scientific novelty. The research of rural everyday life of peasants in Zhytomyr region from the standpoint of gender approach is accomplished for the first time. The survival strategies of rural women in the postwar period are emphasized. The following components of rural everyday life are analysed: work in a collective farm, ways to meet the material and household needs of the family, the behaviour of peasants in the famine circumstances in 1946-1947. Conclusions. Women’s survival strategies in the post-war everyday life were distinguished by extreme nature and ability to adapt to circumstances. During that period, the epicenter of rural life was not a private family but a collective farm as an important economic and social institution. The famine, hard work of the collective farm and the poverty of post-war everyday life still remain a painful stigma in the social memory of rural women.


Author(s):  
O. L. Protasova ◽  

The elements of the ideological platform of the People’s Labor Socialist Party (PLSP) concerning the issue of statehood are analyzed. For the first time in the historical and legal literature, a comparison was made of the basic features of a welfare state from a modern point of view and its obvious components presented in the political program of moderate populism. It is shown that the PLSP differed from other socialist parties in its pronounced consistent etatism, paying great attention to the issue of the role of the progressive state as a moderator of the relationship between the individual and society. It is concluded that it was this party that proposed one of the first projects of state structure in Russia, the meaning and content of which anticipated the general trend towards the construction of socio-legal states of post-war European democratic socialism.


2019 ◽  
pp. 177-191
Author(s):  
O. Sukhobokova

The article deals with the social and political, cultural and organizational activities of one of the leaders of the Ukrainian inter-war and post-war emigration Nykyfor Hryhoryiv in the USA and Canada in 1938-1948, based on unpublished materials of the Hryhoryiv`s family archive (Potomac,Maryland, USA). A significant part of this archive is introduced into scientific circulation at the first time in this publication. The main areas of activity of N. Hryhoryiv during this period are traced: the creation in the USA and Canada of a Ukrainian independent center-left political force; informational and educational work aimed at forming a positive image of the Ukrainian national liberation democratic movement; foundation of the Ukrainian scientific and cultural center and publishing activity. His activity is considered in the context of the socio-political life of the Ukrainian diaspora and the socio-political processes in the USA and Canada.


2010 ◽  
pp. 73-89
Author(s):  
M.-F. Garcia

The article examines social conditions and mechanisms of the emergence in 1982 of a «Dutch» strawberry auction in Fontaines-en-Sologne, France. Empirical study of this case shows that perfect market does not arise per se due to an «invisible hand». It is a social construction, which could only be put into effect by a hard struggle between stakeholders and large investments of different forms of capital. Ordinary practices of the market dont differ from the predictions of economic theory, which is explained by the fact that economic theory served as a frame of reference for the designers of the auction. Technological and spatial organization as well as principal rules of trade was elaborated in line with economic views of perfect market resulting in the correspondence between theory and reality.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-168
Author(s):  
Celal Hayir ◽  
Ayman Kole

When the Turkish army seized power on May 27th, 1960, a new democratic constitution was carried into effect. The positive atmosphere created by the 1961 constitution quickly showed its effects on political balances in the parliament and it became difficult for one single party to come into power, which strengthened the multi-party-system. The freedom initiative created by 1961’s constitution had a direct effect on the rise of public opposition. Filmmakers, who generally steered clear from the discussion of social problems and conflicts until 1960, started to produce movies questioning conflicts in political, social and cultural life for the first time and discussions about the “Social Realism” movement in the ensuing films arose in cinematic circles in Turkey. At the same time, the “regional managers” emerged, and movies in line with demands of this system started to be produced. The Hope (Umut), produced by Yılmaz Güney in 1970, rang in a new era in Turkish cinema, because it differed from other movies previously made in its cinematic language, expression, and use of actors and settings. The aim of this study is to mention the reality discussions in Turkish cinema and outline the political facts which initiated this expression leading up to the film Umut (The Hope, directed by Yılmaz Güney), which has been accepted as the most distinctive social realist movie in Turkey. 


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