scholarly journals The (Semi) State’s Fragility: Hamas, Clannism, and Legitimacy

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (11) ◽  
pp. 437
Author(s):  
Abdalhadi Alijla

This article shall ask how Hamas, as a non-state actor, negotiated legitimacy with the clans in a fragmented and factionalized tribal society in the Gaza Strip from 2007–2011. An important factor that shapes the extent of power of rebels and non-state actors in limited statehood areas (LSA) pertains to the negotiation of power these rebels develop with clans in certain areas or times. Rebel governance is a complex and multidimensional concept shaped by the pre-existing particularity of the rebel, its identity, level of factionalism, the former structure of administration, and the extant political institutions. This paper will discuss Hamas as a contemporary case of rebel governance in war and post-war times, which has resulted in a special case of fragile governance. Based on ethnographic research on Hamas and insights from political theories of identity and governance, this paper suggest that tribal factionalism led to violence and played a major role in shaping the governance structure and mechanisms through political affiliation, informal judicial mechanisms, and as a part of the social network which resists government authority. This paper shall propose that Hamas used two paths of negotiations with clans: a coercive power (violent), and by mobilizing individuals of these clans and families as part of the informal judicial system (U’rf). This research aims to contribute to the understanding of rebel governance in general, and Hamas in particular, showing how struggle over legitimacy is shaped and negotiated, and why Hamas could be considered a special case in the study of rebel governance.

2010 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 24-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamil Hilal

Arguing that the polarization of the Palestinian political field did not start with Hamas's takeover of the Gaza Strip in 2007, the author analyzes the factors that have eroded the cohesiveness and vitality of the Palestinian polity, namely, the paralysis of Palestinian political institutions, territorial and social fragmentation, and egregious outside interference. In this context, and in the absence of an internal Palestinian debate about the objectives of holding elections under occupation, the author shows that the timing and circumstances of the 2006 legislative elections were bound to precipitate the current state of disarray. Finally, he considers the way forward, highlighting the potential of public pressure in promoting national reconciliation.


2009 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 157-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louise Arimatsu

AbstractIsrael's military operation in the Gaza Strip from 27 December 2008 until 18 January 2009 raised a host of legal questions on status and the conduct of hostilities, many of which have been subjected to intense scrutiny. But perhaps the two most troubling questions that remain unresolved concern the appropriate legal regime that governed the conflict and the geographical reach of the law. Was this an international armed conflict? If so, who were the ‘contracting parties’ and what was the territorial scope of the conflict? Alternatively, was the armed conflict one between a state, Israel, and a non-state actor, Hamas, and thus subject to the rules that apply in non-international armed conflict? This latter position jars with our intuition not least because the codified law assumes non-international armed conflict takes placewithinthe territory of a contracting state. The disquiet is apparent in the Israeli Supreme Court judgment of 2009,Physicians for Human Rights v. Prime Minister, in which the Court had to determine the legal regime governing the armed conflict between Israel and ‘the Hamas organization’. Describing the normative ‘arrangements’ as ‘complex’, it noted that ‘the classification of the armed conflict between the state of Israel and the Hamas organization as an international conflict raises several difficulties’.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nael F. M. Hijjo

The paper aimed to determine the social factors responsible for the variable use of [g], [k] and the prestigious [ʔ] in the Colloquial Arabic of the Gaza Strip women. These variables are of interest because they each have one variant that coincides with al-Fussha Arabic; which is the standard /q/. Towards this end, a quantitative study was carried out to examine the frequency of each sound in the naturally occurring speech of a sample of eight female participants belonging to families, six of whom have migrated from the occupied Palestine in year of 1948 and the other two are citizens of the Gaza Strip, where [g] is socially dominant, to the Gaza city. The findings suggest that younger generation shift from [g] or [kshift to the prestigious form [ʔ] to show prestige in the society. Thus the variable use of the original sound [g] in Gaza city could be a language shift.


2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alma Vardari-Kesler

Kosovo’s case presents a mixture of post-socialist politics with a post-war reality. Its deeply divided society is struggling to solve the ethnic conflict while dealing with state-building and democratization. Within this context, the existence of a dual governing authority (local and international) has created a unique political and social context of supervised statehood with contested external sources of power. In an attempt to shed light on Kosovo’s contentious politics, in this article I examine the case study of the social movement “Levizja Vetevendosje!” (LV), i.e. the Movement for Self-determination, while arguing firstly that given the discourse of Security and Stabilization, the collective resistance of LV is framed as an issue of security and as such a destabilizing factor, resulting thus in the de-politization and the marginalization of LV’s contentious collective action. Secondly, I claim that the establishment of co-shared governance between the local and international political institutions has led to the estrangement of the domestic society from the daily political arena due to the reciprocal dependency of both sides on each other, resulting in the erosion of citizenship in Kosovo.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 3-23
Author(s):  
Shadi Saleh

Refugee camp spaces are widely analyzed against their host territories. They are constantly associated with isolation and time–space suspension. However, empirical studies show that camps are not simply islands unto themselves. They can have varying levels of interactions with their surroundings. This paper is concerned with contextualizing the Palestinian refugee camps in the Gaza Strip by examining four inseparable dimensions: spatial, socioeconomic, political and time. It unfolds the historical and contemporary interplay between camp and non-camp areas and shows the similarities and distinctions between them. The findings are based on the analysis and fieldwork of Jabalya refugee camp, the largest in the Gaza Strip. Ethnographic research tools are used in addition to text and historical aerial photo analysis. The paper concludes that in a context such as the Gaza Strip in which the majority of the population are refugees, there is a great deal of connectivity between camps and non-camp areas. The camps are far from being described as enclaves, bare lives, or state of exception. The distinctions between them and their surroundings are very subtle. To a large extent, the camps in the Gaza Strip represent a special case of connectivity to a level that has normalized the territory to become a large enclaved refugee space.


Author(s):  
Andrea Lorenzo Capussela

This chapter reviews the evolution of Italy’s social order and institutions between the end of Fascism, in 1943, and the early 1950s. The peninsula was a battlefield for two years, during 1943–5. War and resistance shook Italy’s social order, and the post-war years saw the emergence of a democratic republic based on a progressive constitution. Reconstruction was rapid, and laid the basis for the country’s full industrialization. The ideological cleavage traced by Marxism, however, which split the anti-fascist coalition, and the political repercussions of the Cold War eased the efforts of the pre-war elites to constrain the opening up of the social order and undermine the newly adopted political institutions. An episode of collective action in the rural South nonetheless showed the potential of well-designed reforms sustained by effective organizations. The chapter concludes that during the 1950s electoral democracy consolidated, but Italy remained distant from the liberal democracy paradigm.


Author(s):  
Lise Butler

In the mid-twentieth century the social sciences significantly expanded, and played a major role in shaping British intellectual, political, and cultural life. Central to this shift was the left-wing policy maker and sociologist Michael Young. In the 1940s Young was a key architect of the Labour Party’s 1945 election manifesto, Let Us Face the Future. He became a sociologist in the 1950s, publishing a classic study of the London working class, Family and Kinship in East London, with Peter Willmott in 1957, and the 1958 dystopian satire, The Rise of the Meritocracy, about a future society in which status was determined entirely by intelligence. Young also founded dozens of organizations, including the Institute of Community Studies, the Consumers’ Association, and the Open University. Moving between politics, academia, and activism, Young believed that the social sciences could help policy makers and politicians understand human nature and build better social and political institutions. This book examines the relationship between social science and public policy in left-wing politics between the end of the Second World War and the end of the first Wilson government through the figure of Michael Young. It shows how Young and other researchers and policy makers challenged Labour values like full employment and nationalization, and argued that the Labour Party should put more emphasis on relationships, family, and community. Showing that the social sciences were embedded in the politics of the post-war left, this book argues that historians and scholars should take their role in British politics and political thought seriously.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 78-102
Author(s):  
Mohammed Salem ◽  
Ezzedine Abdel Moati Dalloul ◽  
Al-Baraa Akram Tabasi ◽  
Tariq Adel Harzallah ◽  
Ahmed Riad Al-Habil ◽  
...  

This study aims to investigate the effects of applying green marketing mix elements in achieving the competitive advantage: an empirical study on the customers of Palestine Cellular Communications "Jawwal". The study highlights the application of green marketing mix and its four dimensions: the green product, the green price, the green promotion, and the green place, and its effect in attaining the competitive advantage. This will help the decision makers in Jawwal, working in the Gaza Strip, come up with importance of this modern marketing techniques and its role in increasing the environmental awareness and developing the social responsibility to offer an environmentally safe service to the customers and accomplish the competitive advantage which will lead the company to be the top between its competitors. The descriptive analytical method was used to reach the results of the study. The field of the study is the whole users of Jawwal services. The researchers distributed a questionnaire among 400 users of Jawwal using a random sample, then received back 383 questionnaires. The study presented a set of results and the most importantly: The application of green marketing mix elements represented in (the green product, the green price, the green promotion, and the green place) has a great role in achieving the competitive advantage of the company. This means using this marketing style will contribute in an effective way to make the company rank the best among its competitors. 


Author(s):  
Sara Roy

This chapter examines the Islamic Resistance Movement or Hamas, which was established at the beginning of the first Palestinian uprising in December 1987. This analysis of Hamas focuses on its social dimensions and on the relationship between its social and political sectors, primarily in the Gaza Strip, where the Islamist movement in Palestine is most concentrated. The chapter also explores the ways in which Islamic political institutions interact with and/or influence social institutions and vice versa, the nature of Islamic social and political mobilization in Palestine and the links between them, the changing nature of Islamically legitimized action in the public and political spheres, and the slowly emerging secularization of religious discourse as a way of adapting to existing social and political realities.


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