scholarly journals Divergent Identities in Iran and the Appropriation of Trans Bodies

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (Winter) ◽  
pp. 139-150
Author(s):  
Kate Hashemi C.

While gender-based scholarship on the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) is largely centred on a woman’s right to unveil, those adopting an LGBT+ framework tend to focus on human rights violations against homosexual males. This paper provides a more inclusive study in its assessment of the state’s oxymoronic approach to trans persons in Iran and the use of gender affirming surgery to reposition its subjects in line with hegemonic notions of “healthy” sexualities. In this context, the Iranian woman, bound by a particular conception of Islamic femininity, and the Iranian man, embodied by the hyper-masculine martyr figure, are promoted as the only genderisms acceptable to the state. This binary of hetero-Muslim male/female excludes all other expressions of gender. Ignoring the country’s historic array of masculinities and sexualities, the IRI criminalises gender “passing” in its limited notion of gender performativity. Furthermore, it utilises gender affirming surgery as a tool for repositioning divergent identities and sexualities within the state-sanctioned paradigm. While the state appropriates trans bodies to promote the ideal gendered subject, the framework of gender performativity is also adopted by regime critics to promote cis-gendered female agency: popular culture employs “cross-dressing” to contest the policing of heteronormative bodies and sexualities. Undoubtedly such methods are complicit in the continuation of discriminatory practices against trans persons in Iran.

1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-530 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sussan Siavoshi

The evolution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the dynamics of the relationship between the Iranian state and society can be explored by examining the postrevolutionary regime's policies toward intellectuals, particularly as expressed in its regulation of cinema and book publication. This relationship—at least in the period from the early 1980s to the early 1990s—was complex and nuanced. Factionalism within the regime provided an opportunity for intellectuals to engage the state in a process of negotiation and protest, cooperation and defiance, in pushing the boundaries of permitted self-expression. The degree of their success depended in part on which faction controlled the government and its regulatory agencies during particular phases in the evolution of the postrevolutionary regime.


Author(s):  
Vitaly Goncharov ◽  
Гагик Казахецян

The work is devoted to the consideration of some of the elements of the original system of Iranian legislation. The legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran has a number of special elements that are not found in any other country in the modern world. These features are due to the fact that the state structure of Iran is a system of civil and religious authorities that play a primary role.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Idil Akbar

Khilafah concept became one of the discussions that stick out lately, not least in Indonesia. But how is this concept, especially that  applied in the Islamic state? This article presents a comparison of Islamic governmentbased concepts with two different traditions, namely the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The purpose of this paper is to show the differences between the two concepts as well as to discuss how the implementation carried out in the two countries that use Islam as the basis of the state. Conceptually Saudi Arabia and Iran have differences in the application of the state system and its government. Saudi Arabia with the monarchy concept and Iran with the concept of republic. But the similarity between the two is that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Islamic Republic of Iran is not a state that ideally reflects the Khilafah state as established in the state system of the era of Khulafaur Rashidin.Keyword: : Khilafah; Imamah, Saudi Arabia, Iran, State and Islamic Government


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 595-617
Author(s):  
Ronen A. Cohen ◽  
Eyal Lewin

This article examines the social components of national resilience as the source of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s ability to cope with possibly lethal blows and economic setbacks through four stages: (I) an account of the 1980–1988 Iran–Iraq War and the surprising outcome that left Iran undefeated, (II) a review of several theories that can aid us to analyze Iran’s national resilience ability, (III) an analysis of Iran’s wartime survival using the abovementioned theoretical infrastructure, (IV) a concise review of current issues in Iranian society which concludes with an evaluation of the state of Iran’s resilience regarding attacks on their nuclear program and its ramifications.


2017 ◽  
pp. 29-31
Author(s):  
Saeid Golkar

In the Islamic Republic of Iran, universities are meant to not only produce and distribute knowledge, but also to act as agents of political socialization. Since the establishment of the Islamic regime in 1979, the state has recklessly tried to control and Islamize universities in order to “purify” them from nonconformist students and scholars and train a new generation of devout Muslims for the state bureaucracy. Although these efforts have ultimately failed to create an Islamic university, they have led to massive brain drain and reduced the quality of Iranian higher education. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (5) ◽  
pp. 146-162
Author(s):  
Sead Bandžović ◽  

With the overthrow of the regime of Reza Pahlavi in 1979, the Iranian revolution ended the existence of the 2,500-year-old Persian Empire and built the Islamic Republic of Iran on its foundations. The revolution was the product of three independent social structures that merged at one point. One was the structure of constitutionalism that grew out of a century-long struggle for democracy supported by modernists; the second was Islamism as a movement to set Sharia law as the primary law supported by rural elements in society in response to Western urban elites and accepted by merchants; and the third is the nationalist structure, driven by rage fueled by Iran's long subordination to European powers. The basic principle of the Islamic Republic of Iran, proclaimed by the new constitution from 1979, is the positioning of God as the supreme bearer of people's sovereignty and people who are only marginal representatives of his power on Earth. Ayatollah Homenini, the supreme leader of the Islamic Revolution and the Iranian state, in this regard created a thesis about the Islamic State as a political representation, created on the basis of the people's will, in order to enforce God's laws. In practice, such system meant setting up Sharia (religious) laws as the only source of law in regulating social, legal and other relations within the community. A dichotomy has been created in the management of the state, so there are two groups of authorities. The first, the conciliar, consists of the Supreme leader, the Council of Guardians (Shora-ye Negahban-e Qanun-e assassi), the Council of Experts (Majles-e Khobragan Rahbari) and the Judgment Council. The task of these councils is to oversee the activities of all levels of government in order to preserve the unity, sovereignty and integrity of the Iranian political system. The conciliar government supervises and advises the republican part of the government, ie. its legislative, executive and judicial aspects. In addition to conciliar government, there is a republican government that creates laws and political decisions in accordance with religious teachings and under the supervision of theocratic political institutions. All laws and court decisions must be based on the principles of the Qur'an, and their proper interpretation requires an understanding of religious principles. On the basis of the constitution, a special High Judicial Council was established, which amended the pre-revolutionary laws (criminal, commercial, civil and procedural), thus creating the so-called “Transitional law”. The biggest changes affected the area of criminal law, where the principle of talion revenge was introduced (“an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth”) and the strict punishment of extramarital relations and same-sex relationships. In the domain of marital and family law, a man is given a number of rights, thus putting the woman, as a marital partner, in a more unequal position. Husbands were facilitated in divorce, temporary marriages with more than one woman were allowed, while on the other hand women were allowed the right to divorce only if it was explicitly allowed by her husband during the marriage. The revolution also introduced new sources in the regulation of legal relations. Thus, by an order of the Supreme Judicial Council of 23 August 1982, judges were ordered to use direct authoritative Islamic texts or sources on which to base their judgments in resolving disputes. Judges are required by this Order to address the Council of Guardians of the Constitution if they cannot determine with certainty whether a regulation is in accordance with Sharia law or not. If the judge does not know which law to apply, he must contact the Office of Ayatollah Khomeini for further instructions. In addition to the internal one, the revolution caused radical changes in the foreign policy field, positioning Iran as an important participant in numerous international processes at the regional and global level.


2017 ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Saeid Golkar

In the Islamic Republic of Iran, universities are meant to not only produce and distribute knowledge, but also to act as agents of political socialization. Since the establishment of the Islamic regime in 1979, the state has recklessly tried to control and Islamize universities in order to “purify” them from nonconformist students and scholars and train a new generation of devout Muslims for the state bureaucracy. Although these efforts have ultimately failed to create an Islamic university, they have led to massive brain drain and reduced the quality of Iranian higher education. 


FIKRAH ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 151
Author(s):  
Cahya Edi Setyawan

<span>Soroush criticized the concept of "al-faqih territory" embodied in the system of religious democracy in Iran. The concept gives Mullah and Ulama a sole authority. Al-faqih territory which means the leadership of a jihad is a form of Syiah politics that takes place in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The government policy in the name of "God's Voice" to punish a State case. According to Soroush, this is a misconception because the government just prioritizes the interests of the State and denies the public inspirations. On this basis, Soroush wants to give Iranians an understanding of religion more truthfully, so that the people are aware that Religion (text / revelation) and knowledge of theology is different. Soroush attempts at giving reconsideration of the status of "religious ideology" to the public in order to be able to criticize the concept of government in Iran that is "al-faqih territory".</span>


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