Theorizing the Journalism Model of Disinformation and Hate Speech Propagation in a Nigerian Democratic Context

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 60-73
Author(s):  
Adamkolo Mohammed Ibrahim

Since its political independence in 1960, Nigeria has been a partially united country. Nigerians have always regarded themselves as ‘us' versus ‘them.' This creates a fertile ground for the propagation of hate speech and disinformation. The Fourth Republic in Nigerian democracy, which triumphantly began in 1999, after 16 years of military rule is now in its 21st year. However, since the emergence of the Trumpian fake news era in 2016, the Nigerian democratic atmosphere has been polluted with more devastating hate messages and disinformation which, aided by the ‘supersonic' social media, threaten the nations hard-earned democracy. As the constitutional watchdogs of the society, journalists are tasked to cleanse the democratic atmosphere of the filths of disinformation and hostility. To help the journalists achieve this goal, this article proposes the Journalism Model of Disinformation and Hate Speech Propagation through a critical review of extant literature. Policy recommendations were offered at the end.

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 449-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Downing ◽  
Richard Dron

The Grenfell fire has yet to be analysed to understand the event’s implications in relation to construction of social boundaries for British Muslims. In this current research, two methodological approaches are applied to gain understandings of social boundary construction on twitter: thematic analysis of the content of tweets and social network analysis (SNA) of how messages are diffused and contested. Twitter is shown to be an important platform in spreading positive narratives about Muslims during the fire, enabling individuals to spontaneously contest fake news and hate narratives. Social media acts counter to established knowledge, demonstrating that it is not, per se, a conduit for fake news and hate speech. Furthermore, it demonstrates how twitter offers Muslims an international space to voice and articulate themselves where they can be influential in debates that effect Muslim diasporas in other national contexts.


Author(s):  
Umaru A. Pate ◽  
Adamkolo Mohammed Ibrahim

In addition to looking at the ongoing election campaigns in Nigeria, past election campaigns both locally and globally (especially since Brexit referendum in the United Kingdom and the 2016 presidential election in the United States) have highlighted how fake news and hate speech can be used to cause political instability in society. Ever since, fake news and hate speech issues and their impacts on democratic processes have gained widespread research attention. Hence, an urge exists to not only further understand the concepts of fake news and hate speech but also to define them based on empirical and critical literature. This chapter intends to clearly provide further understanding about the definition of fake news through a redefinition of the concept based on a critical review of literature. Also, critically discussed in this chapter are the impacts both fake news and hate speech can have on the consolidation of democracy in Nigeria. Some policy recommendations are offered.


Author(s):  
Robert Gorwa

This chapter provides the first overview of political bots, fake accounts, and other false amplifiers in Poland. Based on extensive interviews with political campaign managers, journalists, activists, employees of social media marketing firms, and civil society groups, the chapter outlines the emergence of Polish digital politics, covering the energetic and hyper-partisan “troll wars,” the interaction of hate speech with modern platform algorithms, and the recent effects of “fake news” and various sources of apparent Russian disinformation. The chapter then explores the production and management of artificial identities on Facebook, Twitter, and other social networks—an industry confirmed to be active in Poland—and assesses how they can be deployed for both political and commercial purposes. Overall, the chapter provides evidence for a rich array of digital tools that are increasingly being used by various actors to exert influence over Polish politics and public life.


Author(s):  
Sergey Kostelyanets ◽  
◽  
Obidozie Afamefuna Andrew Okeke

All heads of state of independent Nigeria have left their mark on the formation of national foreign policy, including the policy for Africa, and brought their vision to the development of this sphere, although the greatest contribution to the formation of relations of the Giant of Africa with other states of the continent was made during the years of the Fourth Republic (1999 – present), when, after a long period of military rule, civilian politicians came to power in the country. Throughout the entire period of independent development, the main principles of Nigeria’s formation of contacts with other countries were respect for equality and territorial integrity of sovereign states; non-interference in their internal affairs; active membership in international organizations; non-alignment with military-political blocs, etc. However, the main priority of Nigeria’s foreign policy in the post-colonial period was the development of relations with African countries – a phenomenon that has come to be known as Afrocentrism. In accordance with the principles declared in all Constitutions of the country (1960, 1979, 1993, and 1999), Nigeria made a great contribution to the struggle for the true political and economic independence of African countries, for the liberation of the continent from the remnants of colonialism and apartheid. Since the 1970s, when the country became one of the world’s largest oil producers and exporters and began to provide financial and logistical assistance to African countries in need, a new objective has appeared in its foreign policy – gaining the status of “the leader of the continent”. This desire has been fueled by the fact that Nigeria is the most populous state on the continent and has one of the largest and fastest growing economies in Africa. Not all Nigerian leaders were able to correctly identify political priorities and to a certain extent demonstrated naiveté, limiting their foreign policy primarily to the African direction. While in the first years of independence this was legitimate and justified, with the advent of globalization, the development of a multipolar world, and the transformation of the world political and economic order, it became necessary to ensure that Nigeria’s foreign policy was adapted to modern realities. Meanwhile, thanks to its economic potential, huge reserves of hydrocarbons, which all countries in the region need, and military-political power, Nigeria quite rightly claims a central role in coordinating joint efforts to achieve true economic and political independence by West African states, although one of the obstacles to the transformation Nigeria into a real “hegemon” both in West Africa and throughout the continent remains political instability in the country.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Meier ◽  
Benjamin K. Johnson

Popular concern and much research assumes that (passive) social media use decreases well-being by providing a fertile ground for harmful (upward) social comparison and envy. The present review critically summarizes empirical evidence on this assumption. We first comprehensively synthesize existing studies, with a focus on the most recent publications (2019 to 2021). Results show that earlier research finds social comparison and envy to be common on social media and linked to lower well-being. Yet, increasingly, newer studies contradict this conclusion, finding positive links to well-being as well as heterogeneous, person-specific, conditional, and reverse or reciprocal effects. The review further identifies four critical conceptual and methodological limitations of existing studies, which offer new impulses for future research.


Author(s):  
N. Nurlaela Arief ◽  
Siti Karlinah

Abstract Indonesia has been facing a serious threat from fake news and hate speech which is wildly disseminated through social media. As the largest Muslim-majority country in the world, health issues and their link to religion are one of the most discussed topics on social media in this country. The aim of this study is to introduce a strategy to counterbalance fake news on vaccine issues. This research employed a mixed-method approach that used content of analysis data obtained from social media monitoring. In addition, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 15 participants from various sectors related to vaccine issues. Monitoring of six female Facebook users in anti-vaccine groups revealed that the top five topics discussed in Indonesia were halal certification, conspiracy, adverse effects, adjuvants, and vaccine substitution. This research recommends a communication strategy to counterbalance fake news on the vaccine, employing both medical professionals and trusted, influential members of the religious community to educate the public. They should have a strong background in medical issues and understand Islamic perspectives. The involvement of Ulama (Islamic religious leaders) is important and needed to explain that vaccines do not violate religious law.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 293-320
Author(s):  
Benedetta Baldi ◽  
Ludovico Franco ◽  
Leonardo M. Savoia

Abstract In this paper we aim at analysing, from a pragmatic viewpoint, the rhetoric of delegitimization of the opponent in new media insofar as it triggers individual, uncontrolled and deep-rooted forms of communications. The communicative context is that of the political controversies and the propaganda around the Italian elections of March 2018. Accusations of fake news, hate speech and other delegitimizing rhetorical tools occur within the messages distributed on social media by politicians. We are specifically interested in illustrating and examining the disposition/standpoint of public social actors, of politicians in particular, toward the (delegitimizing) effects of the spreading of foul language, hate speech and fake news as instruments for re-shaping reality and introducing an alternative reading of facts.


Author(s):  
Umaru A. Pate ◽  
Adamkolo Mohammed Ibrahim

In addition to looking at the ongoing election campaigns in Nigeria, past election campaigns both locally and globally (especially since Brexit referendum in the United Kingdom and the 2016 presidential election in the United States) have highlighted how fake news and hate speech can be used to cause political instability in society. Ever since, fake news and hate speech issues and their impacts on democratic processes have gained widespread research attention. Hence, an urge exists to not only further understand the concepts of fake news and hate speech but also to define them based on empirical and critical literature. This chapter intends to clearly provide further understanding about the definition of fake news through a redefinition of the concept based on a critical review of literature. Also, critically discussed in this chapter are the impacts both fake news and hate speech can have on the consolidation of democracy in Nigeria. Some policy recommendations are offered.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-116
Author(s):  
Dewi Anggraeni ◽  
Adrinoviarini Adrinoviarini

The political year is a fertile vehicle for disseminating news of hate speech, forms of intolerance, and false information (hoaxes) decorating the Indonesian social media universe. Election campaigns provide fertile ground for hate speech and incitement, especially on social media. This research aims to analyze and identify the prevalence of hate speech in the DKI Jakarta gubernatorial election by evaluating the regulations regarding hate speech on social media according to stakeholders and appropriate and effective strategies in preventing and taking action against hate speech violations in the Pilkada/Election. This type of research is descriptive qualitative, which portrays the phenomenon of the DKI Jakarta governor election in 2017, The data collection technique used was a focus group discussion by inviting several sources. The results of this study reveal that; Hate speech in 2017 on social media, especially Facebook, has increased in the momentum of the Pilkada. The ITE Law and SE / 06 / X / 2015 have been implemented by various stakeholders as an effort to prevent and prosecute hate speech offenders, although this has not been maximized due to the weak media literacy of Indonesian society itself. The case for the 2017 DKI Jakarta election as a prototype for the National Election. Therefore, election organizers need to pay special attention to monitoring social media during the election period.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (S1) ◽  
pp. 496-505
Author(s):  
Ibegbulem Obioma Hilary ◽  
Olannye-Okonofua Dumebi

In recent years, the subject of fake news, as well as its consequences, has gained a lot of attention. Even though fake news is not a new occurrence, technological advancements have created an ideal atmosphere for it to spread quickly. Platforms like Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube provide fertile ground for the creation and dissemination of misinformation and disinformation. As a result, it is critical to research how social media works, how fake news is created and distributed through social media, and what role users play. The study examines social media as a tool for misinformation and disinformation. Been qualitative, the paper relies on secondary data such as published materials and personal observations to make deductions and inferences about the use of social media for fake news. This study examines misinformation and disinformation as a kind of fake news, as well as the many sorts of misinformation that may be found on social media. It adds to the idea of fake news by addressing the problem of users' interactions with news and cooperation in the information age. To add credibility to the study, the idea of misinformation and disinformation was investigated.


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