scholarly journals Telewizja jako aktor polityczny w ocenie społecznej Polaków

2020 ◽  
pp. 115-129
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Maciejewska-Mieszkowska
Keyword(s):  
Sources Of Information ◽  
Political Actor ◽  
Social Evaluation ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Audiovisual Media ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Scene

Television as a political actor in the social assessment by Poles Television, treated as one of political actors, is subject to social evaluation in terms of its credibility and trust. In the case of Polish audiovisual media, many years of surveys in the field show that in the last few years there have been fundamental changes in the perception of television broadcasts by Poles. This tendency should be associated with the dynamic transformations of the Polish political scene and the shaping of political preferences of the public. This publication aims to show changes in the assessment of television, taking into account the attitude of Poles towards political reality and their preferences in the use of specific sources of information.

scholarly journals Fieldwork and Public Archaeology (or: Why Even the Seemingly Clear Connections Should Be Examined?)

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tatjana Cvjetićanin
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Professional Community ◽  
Symbolic Capital ◽  
Academic Community ◽  
Public Archaeology ◽  
Social Relevance ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The Social

Public archaeology and community archaeology are some of the terms denoting various ways in which archaeologists, convinced that archaeology should not act in isolation, reach out to the public or include it into disciplinary practices. The public is principally educated and enabled to embrace the social relevance of archaeology. Archaeologists are primarily visible in the public as the ones excavating and discovering the past. When we inform the public, educate or include it in our activities, work with or for the public – or when the public is dealing with archaeology on its own – archaeological fieldwork is not only the most recognizable and the most popular image of archaeology, but also undoubtedly the basic area of our activities. In Serbia, the field excavations are perceived as almost the only way of approaching the past, and the field directors, participants in excavations and interpreters of fieldwork are recognized as reliable (and often the only) public faces of the discipline. Authority is generated through discovery, and visibility is the result of popularisation. Public archaeology is mainly understood as public relations, or even as media relations. Collective anxiety, neoliberalism, and the political populism of the moment, all result in the trend of increase in discourse of memory and musealization of society. This contemporary politics of memory is an answer to the current space and time, with accelerated changes and endangered traditional values. Additionally, the new political reality from the 1990s on has dissolved the symbolic capital of the supra-nation, so the establishment of a new collective memory and cultural identity became necessary. The narrative of the “(celestial) people with history” is chosen, on the soil with a special spiritual axis, and the celebration of the unique homogenous nation is embraced. The construction of the new identity is helped by the disciplines dealing with the past, and various institutions –including the archaeological ones – go a step further in “imprinting upon heart and soul” the new cultural/political memory. This step further demonstrates that they recognize the public only in the structures of power. The institutional and ethic crisis is apparent: even in the places where the professional community (including conservators, custodians, academic community, as well as archaeologists) emphatically opposes excavations, they will be conducted nevertheless. More often than not, the sensational, unique or luxurious is emphasized, mainly to secure the social, political and financial support for projects, as well as prestige. The authorized narratives of the past and the pre-packaged heritage corrupt the image of archaeology and contribute to the misconception of the past. The paper treats both the examples of good and bad practice, with the intention to demonstrate that the need to promote must be supplemented by responsibility, and the public archaeology in Serbia broadened by new aims.  

scholarly journals The Socio-Political Role of Zombie Categories. A Case Study of the Referendum Amending Article 48 of The Romanian Constitution (6-7 October 2018)

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Georgeta Ghebrea
Keyword(s):  
Risk Society ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Traditional Family ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Public Agenda ◽  
The Social ◽  
Definition Of

Our scope was to explain the failure of the Referendum on the revision of Article 48 of the Romanian Constitution, regarding the definition of family (held in 2018 and known as the "traditional family referendum"). We hypothesized that in Romania the traditional family has become a "zombie" category, unable to produce an authentic mobilization of the social-political actors. Still, the traditional family represents an anchor that counteracts insecurity and anxiety caused by the "risk society" in which we live. This function is capitalized by social-political actors as a source of their legitimation. Our understanding was based on the processual analysis of this issue on the public agenda, from inflammation to extinction. This analysis clearly showed the process of gradual demobilization of the actors involved.

scholarly journals The Social Shaping of Nuclear Energy Technology in South Africa

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Britta Rennkamp ◽  
Radhika Bhuyan
Keyword(s):  
South African ◽  
Nuclear Energy ◽  
Energy Technology ◽  
African Government ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Media ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Shaping ◽  
Energy Emissions

This chapter analyses the question why the South African government intends to procure nuclear energy technology, despite affordable and accessible fossil and renewable energy alternatives. The authors analyse the social shaping of nuclear energy technology based on the statements of political actors in the public media. The authors combine a discourse network analysis with qualitative analysis to establish the coalitions in support and opposition of the programme. The central arguments in the debate are cost, safety, job creation, the appropriateness of nuclear energy, emissions reductions, transparency, risks for corruption, and geopolitical influences. The analysis concludes that the nuclear programme is not primarily about generating electricity, as it creates tangible benefits for the coalition of supporters.

scholarly journals Penggunaan Akun Bot Media Sosial untuk Mempengaruhi Opini Publik : Sebuah Tinjauan Hukum Di Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-68
Author(s):  
Devi Rahma Fatmala ◽  
Amanda Amelia ◽  
Fitri Agustina Trianingsih
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Democratic Theory ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actor ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Law

Today’s political discourse can’t be disattached from the usage of social media. There are plenty of political actors using it to campaign their issues and attack their political rival in order to influence public opinion. One of the instruments used by the political actor in using the social media is bot accounts. Bot accounts are an automated online account where all or substantially all of the actions or posts of that account are not the result of a person. The usage of bot accounts are viewed as harmful for democracy by many experts on law and democracy. However, a lot of states have no regulation regarding the usage of bot accounts, including Indonesia. This article is intended to bring legal review on the usage of bot accounts to influence public opinion in Indonesia. Using deliberative democratic theory, this article views that the usage of bot accounts could prevent the objective achievement of democracy based on UUD 1945. The authors recommend the regulation of bot accounts through the revision of UU No. 19 Tahun 2019 about Informasi dan Transaksi Elektronik with bringing up various important argumentations regarding the law implementation. Keywords : Bot Accounts; Social Media; Public Opinion; Democracy; Legal Review.

scholarly journals Muslim Women and Politics in Cameroon

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabilou
Keyword(s):  
Muslim Women ◽  
Religious Movements ◽  
The Political ◽  
Important Place ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Landscape ◽  
The Status ◽  
Sphere Of Influence ◽  
Political Scene

        Religion has not ceased to seize an important place in the political scene over the last several decades. The use of religious arguments remains a common practice among political actors.   Many religious movements have seen their base and their sphere of influence consolidated or contested. Currently, the influence of religions against the oppression of women brings to mind the images of chadors, burkas, and hijabs.  People frequently claim that Islam oppresses women.  These accusations often result in imprisoning women. This article will discuss the place of women in the political scene of Cameroon from an anthropological and socio-historical perspective and, based on that approach, we will propose a modification to the status of Muslim Women in political society. This modification shall include consideration that women have been given and the way they fit into the social landscape. This is an analysis of the links which have been woven between religion and society in Cameroon.

scholarly journals Politicization of sports as a phenomenon and problem

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 107-118
Author(s):  
Leonid Savinov ◽  
M. Aloyan ◽  
M. Shumasov
Keyword(s):  
High Performance ◽  
Swot Analysis ◽  
Science Studies ◽  
Social Institution ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
Political Analysis ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
The Social

The aim of the study is a political analysis of the relationship between sports and politics based on an institutional approach using SWOT analysis. The author's hypothesis is based on the understanding that the interpenetration of politics and sports in the modern world is becoming global and comprehensive and will increase: the politicization of sports as a social institution and the entire sports sphere is acquiring a new political normality. The paper highlights the basic trends and the main socio-political opportunities, as well as the risks and threats associated with the use of high-performance sports for political and instrumental purposes. It is revealed that in the modern world, sport is not only an instrument of big politics, but also produces politics, ideology and political meanings. Sport in the world is increasingly becoming not only the arena of tough political confrontations and ideological battles, but also forms a new political reality that influences the social behavior of the broadest masses, as well as individual social groups and political actors. In the context of Russia's growing political confrontation in the international arena, a deep, including scientifically based, understanding of the role of sports in the new realities is necessary. The conclusions reached by the authors of the work can be used as a scientific and methodological basis for political science studies of the interdependence of politics and sports, as well as for making political decisions in the field of sports.

scholarly journals The Size of the Public Economy and Its Economic Efficiency Problem

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 234
Author(s):  
Mehmet Nar
Keyword(s):  
Social Needs ◽  
The Other ◽  
Public Expenditures ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
The Social ◽  
Public Economy ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Significant Size

The public economy, which has reached a significant size in terms of both quality and quantity, collects and spends resources between 30% and 70% of GDP on average, shapes up the economy, and acts as a complementary element next to the private sector. Therefore in this study, the relationship between the size of the public sector (its spending) and its efficiency was analyzed. For this purpose, a 24-year data of the period, 1995 to 2018, were evaluated. In this context, a comparison was made between the data of 36 OECD-member countries and seven non-OECD countries. In conclusion, it was seen that, since OECD-member countries are generally high-income countries, public expenditures in those countries are far from populism and are used effectively in order to meet the social needs. On the other hand, in developing countries, since the growth in the public expenditures tends towards mostly public goods and services in which political actors are given priority, the efficiency either remains limited or is negative.

Getting to Sweden II

2021 ◽  
pp. 69-83
Author(s):  
Bo Rothstein
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Model ◽  
Institutional Change ◽  
Common Pool Resource ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
National Trauma ◽  
The Social ◽  
Liberal Ideology ◽  
Systemic Corruption ◽  
Political Scene

Issues about corruption and other forms of bad government have become central in the social sciences. An unresolved question is how countries can solve the issue of transformation from systemic corruption to the quality of government. Based on Elinor Ostrom’s theory of common pool resource appropriation, a new theoretical model for explaining this type of institutional change is developed. Sweden during the nineteenth century is used as an illustration by showing how the country made a transition from being largely patrimonial, nepotistic, and corrupt to a modern, Weberian, efficient, and impartial state structure. In addition to the “national trauma” of losing a major war, this chapter stresses the importance of three additional factors in Sweden: previous changes in courts and the legal system; recognition of the problem by the main contemporary political actors; and the new liberal ideology that made an important impact on the Swedish political scene.

C. WRIGHT MILLS, SOCIOLOGY, AND THE POLITICS OF THE PUBLIC INTELLECTUAL

2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 391-409
Author(s):  
HOWARD BRICK
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Public Intellectual ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political World ◽  
The Social ◽  
Key Issues ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Natural Philosophers ◽  
Women Of Letters

How are we to grasp the genealogy of the “public intellectual”? When, how, and at whose hands did this term first come into use, framing an ideal of democratic responsibility for those who devote their work life to fostering knowledge and criticism—an image usually raised as a reproach to academic insularity though also sometimes assailed for encouraging an evasion of scholarly rigor? At first blush, the phrase seems redundant: the emergence of “intellectual”simpliciteris usually linked to a particular episode—the Dreyfusards’ defense of the French republic—that already implied a commitment by writers, thinkers, and artists to political or civic action. From that time and place, the term traveled quickly across borders and before long to the United States, occasioning controversies from the start over who represented the “intellectual” as a social type and who did not, what activities or purposes best defined the role, and whether that role deserved respect, derision, or reinvention. To be sure, the social, cultural, and political world of “modern” societies has always featured individuals noted for scholarly, creative, speculative, or critical work that resonates with literate audiences attuned to key issues of the moment—whether such people were known as ministers,philosophes, journalists, poets, men or women of letters, Transcendentalists, or even, in some eighteenth-and nineteenth-century usages, natural philosophers or scientists. Nonetheless, the emergence of the noun “intellectual” (and its plural) from the early twentieth century, and its widening use since the 1920s, spawned a persistent and self-conscious discourse concerning the character, value or virtue of such figures. A skeptic might conclude that the addition of the modifier “public” has perpetuated old, tangled debates about intellectuals as such, without bringing with it much greater clarity. Words nonetheless are signs of historical troubles and social discontents. Excavating the usages of “public intellectual” over time can highlight some of the dilemmas that have confronted writers, critics, citizens, and political actors, past and present.

scholarly journals Political Influence of Online Platforms: YouTube’s Place in European Politics

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-240
Author(s):  
Yury Kolotaev ◽  
◽  
Konrad Kollnig ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Visual Media ◽  
Theoretical Concepts ◽  
Political Messages ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The Social ◽  
Primary Means ◽  
Social Media Platforms

Social media platforms are today one of the primary means of political expression and campaigning. The growing entanglement of politics with the online sphere raises interest in how these new types of media shape the social and political reality. While previous research tends to focus on Twitter and Facebook, limited works exists on the political influence of YouTube. This is even though YouTube is the second-most visited website and provides unique ways of engaging users and disseminating political messages through the combination of rich communication functionality with immersive audio-visual media content. Unfortunately, the influence of social media platforms such as YouTube on politics is difficult to analyse, due a lack of transparency and qualitative data. Independent researchers and the public have limited ways to access meaningful statistics about the video service. This article derives a taxonomy to classify YouTube’s ways of political influence from a case-study-driven analysis of YouTube in the European political landscape. Our taxonomy aligns with traditional theoretical concepts from media effects theory, particularly framing, priming and agenda-setting. We provide a brief discussion of the current regulatory landscape in the EU, and highlight gaps that might need improvement. We conclude by considering the question of whether YouTube is a political actor.

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