SPACE EXPLORATION AS PART OF SOFT POWER IN THE WORLD POLITICS

Author(s):  
Regina Safarova
China Report ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
L.H.M. Ling

The concept of ‘soft power’ impoverishes our understanding of politics. It assumes (i) the world has never encountered instances of ‘soft power’ before or knows no better when encountering it; (ii) culture cannot have any interests, agency or impact of its own; and (iii) it cannot capture the state. History—especially from India and China—debunks these assumptions. I propose a contrasting concept, cultural power. It turns ‘soft power’ on its head by (i) articulating the state as ontology, not instrument; accordingly, (ii) culture can generate its own centre (or centres) of gravitas that (iii) invariably outstrips the state in purpose and identity. To demonstrate, I draw on recent filmic representations from India and China. These replay the power of historical culture, like Hindu reincarnation and/or Confucian love, through a contemporary venue. I conclude with some implications of cultural power for politics, in general, and world politics, in particular.


2018 ◽  
pp. 38-50
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Grubov ◽  
Mykola Sanakuiev

The article is an attempt to find the key problems of political and legal settlement of the international information space through a combination of methodology for its determination and the interests of the leading players interacting on the site of the UN. Tectonics changes that brought the global politics of information considered in the contest birth of a new objective reality and causes that produce it — is the existence of «axial» principles of organization of information being human (D.Bell), the struggle between the «national and international society» and national conflicts security strategies of the leaders of world politics. This policy is based within the familiar concept of «real politic» (G. Morgenthau), which is in first place in international relations was not the principle of law and the principle of power «struggle for power levers» that demonstrated the willingness of the strongest members of the world order to apply hybrid methods of struggle. It is emphasized that this trend raises a number of negative consequences both social and political, legal and humanitarian aspects in the life of individual societies, as entire countries. It has been suggested that the level of severity of the political and legal conflicts in a more equitable manner in the functioning of the information-mesh postoru depend on how consistently the main players in world politics will follow conventions already achieved, and not worry about persecution own benefit and interest. It is emphasized that the language of political practice, this means that democratic slogans proclaimed human rights objective information and privacy began to sink in organized public and private information violence, and it was just part of the language semantics television, texts newspapers and magazines, daily communication. It is proved that a similar situation shows the existence of a conflict between the constant declarations of priority of rights and freedoms and the growth opportunities of interested residents to control the information space «information man». This conflict is present in the information policy of virtually all world leaders. In the context of identified internal contradictions and the increasing severity of humanitarian problems analyzed complex problems of political and legal nature that need to be addressed to the international community both within the political and legal relations that exist in the UN system for information policy and within the established concept of «soft security» (soft power), which now attracted the leading countries of the world.


Author(s):  
A. A. Vershinin ◽  
A. V. Korolkov

he spate of violence all over the world including the West makes us to pay attention to the factor of force in world politics. During the past decades Western countries tried to reduce the problem of force to the discussion about so-termed soft power. As a result they were not politically and morally ready to the outbreaks of the use of force in its traditional meaning. This fact to large extent explains their pained reaction to the foreign policy of the Russian Federation and the ups and downs of their politics in regard to China.


Author(s):  
Ian Condry

This essay focuses on Japanese rappers but also explores arguably anti-American sentiments in popular culture otherwise seen as American. Condry is interested in the way Japanese rappers can be very provocative while simultaneously not being easily categorized as either “pro-Japanese” or “anti-American.” Instead he finds that they struggle to define an ethical politics across national boundaries. This essay exemplifies the ways that popular culture can be a vehicle for soft power, but makes a point of showing that it would be a mistake to view the spread of U.S. popular culture styles in itself as an effective national tool in world politics. Condry includes examples from Japanese rap musicians’ portrayals of 9/11 and the Iraq War. They may love hip-hop music and culture but still view U.S. government policies with skepticism. Provocatively, the essay asks how the analysis of soft power might be transformed if, instead of focusing on how American or Japanese soft power could be heightened, we instead asked how transnational goals of human rights, environmental protection, and fair trade (among others) could be made more “attractive” to the world as a whole.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-107
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Anatolievich Irkhin ◽  
Olga Aleksandrovna Moskalenko

The foreign policy realized by Turkeys president clearly evidences the fact that Erdogan does not accept todays world order as a model for the near future. This has led to the proposition of The World Is Bigger than Five formula since 2013. At least in several key regions, Ankara attempts to change the world order through more than emotional declarations; it uses both hard and soft power in the Eastern Mediterranean, Middle East, Black Sea region, Caucasus, and Central Asia. The main indicators of Turkish soft and hard power (military, economic, technological factors, and attractiveness of mass culture) are examined to identify possibilities of Turkey to change the balance of power in key regions and on a global scale. From 2007, the vision of Turkey as an influential actor globally has been propagated by the Turkish elite of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Geopolitical, civilizational, and systematic approaches are used. The research process is carried out within the paradigm of classical and critical geopolitics. During the AKPs time in power, moderate Islamists gave Turkey a new impetus - a return to its civilizational roots. One must note the states development of its economy, military-industrial complex, and the new national position globally as a patron of every Muslim. Modern Turkey can be considered a great regional power with sectoral global leadership in its military attainment, and due to the attractiveness of its model of development. Ankara invests heavily in soft power, its success is based on the Turkish development ideology, which represents a synthesis of neo-Ottoman, neo-Pan-Turkic and pan-Islamic ideas. The revival of Turkey as a regional power and its desire to become a world power will inevitably increase the space of contradictions in Russian-Turkish relations, reducing the sphere of cooperation between the two countries.


The best propaganda is not propaganda; instead, superpowers should provide resources to developing countries during this information age to enable economic growth. A country may obtain the outcomes it wants in the world politics because other countries—admiring its values, emulating its example, aspiring to its level of prosperity and openness—want to follow it. In this sense, it is also important to set the agenda and attract others in world politics and not only to force them to change by threatening military force or economic sanctions. This soft power—getting others to want the outcomes that you want—co-opts people rather than coercing them.


Author(s):  
I. Radikov ◽  
Y. Leksyutina

The concept of the U.S. "soft power" actualized by J. Nye in 1990s, which was based not only on potential capacities of this superpower, but also on impressive results of its external and internal policy, is considered in the article. Most states striving for playing a prominent role in world politics started to complement the battery of their foreign policy instruments with this concept. However, the degree of the state's impact on the world policy at the beginning of the XXth century is still determined by its synergistic national power, and the 'hard power" keeps playing one of the key roles in the modern world.


Author(s):  
Vasyl Karpo ◽  
Nataliia Nechaieva-Yuriichuk

From ancient times till nowadays information plays a key role in the political processes. The beginning of XXI century demonstrated the transformation of global security from military to information, social etc. aspects. The widening of pandemic demonstrated the weaknesses of contemporary authoritarian states and the power of human-oriented states. During the World War I the theoretical and practical interest toward political manipulation and political propaganda grew definitely. After 1918 the situation developed very fast and political propaganda became the part of political influence. XX century entered into the political history as the millennium of propaganda. The collapse of the USSR and socialist system brought power to new political actors. The global architecture of the world has changed. Former Soviet republic got independence and tried to separate from Russia. And Ukraine was between them. The Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine was the start point for a number of processes in world politics. But the most important was the fact that the role and the place of information as the challenge to world security was reevaluated. The further annexation of Crimea, the attempt to legitimize it by the comparing with the referendums in Scotland and Catalonia demonstrated the willingness of Russian Federation to keep its domination in the world. The main difference between the referendums in Scotland and in Catalonia was the way of Russian interference. In 2014 (Scotland) tried to delegitimised the results of Scottish referendum because they were unacceptable for it. But in 2017 we witness the huge interference of Russian powers in Spain internal affairs, first of all in spreading the independence moods in Catalonia. The main conclusion is that the world has to learn some lessons from Scottish and Catalonia cases and to be ready to new challenges in world politics in a format of information threats.


1998 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-106
Author(s):  
M. A. Muqtedar Khan

This paper seeks to understand the impact of current global politicaland socioeconomic conditions on the construction of identity. I advancean argument based on a two-step logic. First, I challenge the characterizationof current socioeconomic conditions as one of globalization bymarshaling arguments and evidence that strongly suggest that along withglobalization, there are simultaneous processes of localization proliferatingin the world today. I contend that current conditions are indicative ofthings far exceeding the scope of globalization and that they can bedescribed more accurately as ccglocalization.~H’2a ving established thisclaim, I show how the processes of glocalization affect the constructionof Muslim identity.Why do I explore the relationship between glocalization and identityconstruction? Because it is significant. Those conversant with current theoreticaldebates within the discipline of international relations’ are awarethat identity has emerged as a significant explanatory construct in internationalrelations theory in the post-Cold War era.4 In this article, I discussthe emergence of identity as an important concept in world politics.The contemporary field of international relations is defined by threephilosophically distinct research programs? rationalists: constructivists,’and interpretivists.’ The moot issue is essentially a search for the mostimportant variable that can help explain or understand the behavior ofinternational actors and subsequently explain the nature of world politicsin order to minimize war and maximize peace.Rationalists contend that actors are basically rational actors who seekthe maximization of their interests, interests being understood primarilyin material terms and often calculated by utility functions maximizinggiven preferences? Interpretivists include postmodernists, critical theorists,and feminists, all of whom argue that basically the extant worldpolitical praxis or discourses “constitute” international agents and therebydetermine their actions, even as they reproduce world politics by ...


Author(s):  
Yu.V. IRKHIN

The article analyzes the problems, achievements and contradictions in the genesis of the contemporary postmodern discourse. The author has carried out complex research, systematized and showed the main features and differences of postmodernism and metamodernism, as well as the role of neoliberal values in their development. The author has considered a new approach to the study of society and politics: neomodernist discourse with the dominant conservative values, opposing postmodern theory, methodology and practice he has identified the features of neomodernism: historicism, patriotism and healthy nationalism, populism, transactionalismn and realism in the world politics.


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