Aspectos jurídicos de la implantación de centros comerciales en los mercados municipales y la protección del medio ambiente y del entorno urbano. La consideración de las razones imperiosas del interés general

Author(s):  
Eva María LÓPEZ TUBÍA

LABURPENA: Artikulu hau ezartzeko erosketa Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoko eta Nafarroako lurraldean zentroetako arauak duen bilakaera aztertzen du, merkatu tradizionalen babesaren osagarria den estrategia bezalakoen, bizitasun hazkorraz gozatzen duen bilakaera arau-emailea eta Bolkestein Zuzentarauren onespenaren ondoren etorkizunaren posibilitateak. Batez ere, baimeneko eta ingurumenaren babeseko mekanismoen bilakaera tratatzen da, administrazio-ahaletako ariketa unilateralean egon arren, gaur egun sektore interesatuekin oroitutako estrategietara orientatzen dira eta eraginda, ingurumen egokirako eskubidea eta auzotarren eskubidearen gozamen baketsua prestazioari eta zerbitzu publikoen ezarpenari. RESUMEN: El presente artículo analiza la evolución normativa de la implantación de los centros comerciales en el territorio del País vasco y Navarra, como estrategia complementaria de protección de los mercados tradicionales, que goza de una creciente vitalidad y posibilidades de futuro tras la aprobación de la Directiva Bolkestein. En especial, se trata la evolución de los mecanismos de autorización y protección ambiental que, si bien descansaban en el ejercicio unilateral de potestades administrativas, hoy en día se orientan a estrategias acordadas con los sectores interesados y afectados, como modo de garantizar el derecho a un medio ambiente adecuado y el pacífico disfrute del derecho de los vecinos a la prestación y establecimiento de los servicios públicos como son los mercados municipales tradicionales. ABSTRACT: This article analyzes the legal evolution of the shopping centers in the territory of the Basque Country and Navarra; this is a complementary protection strategy of traditional market, which enjoys a growing vitality and future expectations before the Bolkestein Directive. Specially, the evolution of the authorization and environmental protection mechanisms, which in the past relied in the unilateral exercise of administrative authority and now are increasingly oriented to shared strategies with the stakeholders, as a way to guaranteeing the right to enjoy an adequate environment and the right to peaceful enjoyment of neighbors in achieving collective aims, in this case, the traditional city markets.

2015 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 1069 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maite Garaigordobil

The study aimed to analyze changes with age in cyberbullying. The sample comprised 3,026 participants from the Basque Country, aged from 12 to 18 years. The Cyberbullying Test was administered to assess the frequency with which 15 behaviors had been received, performed and observed during the past year, and to identify 4 psychometric indicators: victimization, perpetration, observation, and aggressive victimization. The results showed: 1) Similar percentages of victims from 12 to 18 years in the 15 conducts; 2) An increase of aggressors with age in 5 conducts (broadcasting private photos, blackmailing-threatening, sexual harassment, stealing a password, death threats); 3) An increase of observers with age in 12 conducts (sending offensive messages, offensive calls, broadcasting private photos/videos, taking photos in dressing rooms/beach… to humiliate; anonymous frightening calls, identity theft, stealing a password, rigging photos to humiliate, isolating on social networks, blackmail to obligate to do something, death threats, slandering/spreading rumors); and 4) An increase with age of the average of aggressive conducts performed by the aggressors and seen by the observers.  The study provides information on the significant prevalence of cyberbullying during adolescence and youth. The discussion focuses on the need to implement psychoeducational intervention programs to prevent peer violence.


Author(s):  
Andrei QUINTIÁ PASTRANA

LABURPENA: Etxebizitzarako eskubidearen garapenean legeria deszentralizatzeak duen inpaktua jorratzen da lan honetan; zehazki, alderdi subjektiboari dagokionez. Hurbilketa honetan, etxebizitzarako eskubidearen garapenaren ikuspegi historikoa hartzen da abiapuntutzat, eta eremu konparatuan alderatzen da eredua. Era berean, Andaluzian, Kanarietan, Nafarroan, Katalunian, Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoan, Valentzian, Extremaduran eta Balear irletako lege-proiektuan etxebizitza-arloan onartu diren arau autonomikoen edukia aztertzen da, eta Konstituzio Auzitegiaren maiatzaren 14ko 93/2015 Epaiaren zuzenbide-oinarrien azterketarekin alderatzen dira arau autonomiko horiek. Epai horretan, Andaluziako Etxebizitzaren Legearen kontra formulatu zen konstituzio-kontrakotasuneko errekurtsoa ebatzi zen. Ondorioa honako hau da: eskumen-esparru deszentralizatuek, orain artean eta baliteke etorkizunean ere hala izatea, mesede egin diote Administrazio Publikoaren eta Administrazioarekiko Auzi Epaitegien aurrean etxebizitzarako eskubidea galdagarri egiten duten tresnak eratzeari. RESUMEN: Este trabajo se aproxima al impacto de la descentralización legislativa en el desarrollo del derecho a la vivienda, en concreto de su aspecto subjetivo. En esta aproximación se toma una perspectiva histórica de dicho desarrollo y se contrasta el modelo en el ámbito comparado. Se analiza, así mismo, el contenido de las normas autonómicas en materia de vivienda aprobadas en Andalucía, Canarias, Navarra, Cataluña, País Vasco, Valencia, Extremadura y el proyecto de ley balear y se contrastan con el análisis de los fundamentos de derecho de la Sentencia del Tribunal Constitucional 93/2015 de 14 de mayo que resuelve el recurso de inconstitucionalidad formulado contra la ley andaluza de vivienda. Se llega a la conclusión de que los marcos competenciales descentralizados han favorecido, hasta ahora, y podrían seguir favoreciendo en un futuro, la articulación de instrumentos que vuelven exigible el derecho a la vivienda ante la Administración Pública y los Juzgados de lo Contencioso-administrativo. ABSTRACT: This work draws closer to the impact of legislative decentralization in the development of the right to housing, particularly of its subjective aspect. On this approach a historical perspective is taken regarding such development and the model is set against in the comparative area. Likewise, the content of rules in force in the Autonomous Communities in the field of housing passed in Andalusia, Canary Islands, Navarra, Cataluña, Basque Country, Valencia, Extremadura and the bill of Balearic Islands are analyzed and they are set against the analysis of the legal basis of the Constitutional Court judgment 93/2014 of May 14th which determines the action on unconstitutionality made against the Andalusian Act on housing. It was concluded that the decentralized competence framework have so far favoured and could further in the future the articulation of legal tools that could make effective the right to housing before the Public Administration and the Contentious-Administrative courts.


Author(s):  
Clemente Lobato Fraile ◽  
Nagore Guerra Bilbao ◽  
Pedro Apodaca Urquijo

ResumenEl aprendizaje cooperativo se presenta como una metodología idónea para abordar el desarrollo de la competencia de trabajo en equipo dentro del proceso enseñanza y aprendizaje universitarios. La experiencia se desarrolló en seis grupos distintos que suman un total de 185 estudiantes de distintos centros y titulaciones de la Universidad del País Vasco (UPV/EHU). Se analizan los resultados obtenidos por esta experiencia mediante un cuestionario que recoge las principales competencias del trabajo en equipo. El análisis de las dimensiones  del cuestionario muestra una estructura con dos dimensiones: a. ‘Saber ser/estar’, b. ‘Saber Estar’. Esta estructura es coherente conceptualmente y consistente empíricamente. Asimismo, los resultados obtenidos muestran diferencias apreciables entre ambas dimensiones por lo que cabe afirmar el poder discriminativo de esta estructura dimensional.Palabras clave: Trabajo en equipo. Desarrollo de competencias. Aprendizaje Cooperativo  Docencia universitaria. Análisis Factorial Confirmatorio.AbstractCooperative Learning seems to be the right methodology to tackle the development of the teamwork competence inside the process of teaching-learning at the University. The experience was developed in six different groups which add up as 185 students of different faculties and schools of the University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU). The outcome of that experience was analyzed by means of a questionnaire which gathers the main competences of teamwork.  The analysis of the dimensions of the questionnaire shows a structure with two dimensions: a. ‘Interpersonal competences’, b. ‘Instrumental competences’. This structure is conceptually coherent and empirically consistent. Results also show significant differences between both dimensions which may be stating the discriminative power of this dimensional structure.Key words. Teamwork. Competence development. Cooperative learning.  University teaching. Confirmatory factor analysis.


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-116
Author(s):  
Bill Bowring

This article addresses a key contemporary problem confronting the Strasbourg Court. While it is well established that seeking the historical truth is an integral part of the right to freedom of expression, it cannot be the role of the Strasbourg Court to arbitrate underlying historical issues (Dzhugashvili v. Russia, 2014). Still less can it be for the Court to decide on individual or collective guilt for crimes of the past, rather than on violations of Convention rights. For example, the Court has found many violations of human rights in the more recent armed conflicts in Northern Ireland, South-East Turkey, Chechnya, or the Basque Country, but has never sought to pronounce on the legal or moral issues underlying these conflicts, or on their deep historical roots. However, the existence of the ussr for more than 70 years, and 12 years of Nazism in Germany, leading to wwii, dominated the 20th century in Europe. These have both been described as totalitarian regimes. The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 followed by the collapse of the ussr in 1991 led to dramatic changes not only in statehood and political systems, but also a strong desire for states emerging from the ussr or Soviet domination to purge the past, and to identify and punish wrongdoers. Various forms of lustration have been a product of this desire, with the exception of the Russian Federation, where the characterization and proper evaluation of its Soviet past are questions still unresolved. Increasingly the Strasbourg Court has been called on to decide highly controversial cases, for example Ždanoka v. Latvia (2006), Vajnai v. Hungary (2008), Kononov v. Latvia (2010), Korobov v. Estonia (2013), Soro v. Estonia (2015). The author was counsel for the applicants in some of these cases. I ask: what are the dangers and challenges for the Strasbourg Court in adjudicating such cases, and how can it avoid the appearance of taking sides in bitter and intractable arguments?


Author(s):  
Joan RIDAO I MARTÍN

LABURPENA: 2003an prozesu politiko bat hasi zen Euskal Autonomia Erkidegoan, antolaketarako eta estatu espainiarrarekiko harreman politikoen esparru berri bat lortze aldera, «erabakitzeko eskubidea» gauzatuz. Lehenbizi, Autonomia Estatutuaren erreforma modura aurkeztu zen proposamena, eta, jarraian, herri-kontsulta ez lotesle bat deitzeko eta arautzeko lege baten bidez; herri-kontsulta hori egin nahi zen herritarrek parte hartzeko tresna gisa, printzipio demokratikoan oinarrituta eta estatuko legeditik eta haren baimenetik kanpo. Proposamen horrek horrelako kontsulten onargarritasunari buruzko eztabaida sartu zuen Espainiako agenda politikoan, konstituzionaltasunari zein aukera politikoari zegokienean. Bere aldetik, 2006ko Autonomia Estatutuan jasotako aurreikuspena garatuz, Kataluniako Parlamentuak 4/2010 Legea onartu zuen, erreferendum bidez herri-kontsultak egitekoa. Euskal proposamena eta Kataluniakoa desberdinak diren arren, mota guztietako erreferendum autonomikoetara zabaldu dira, bereizketarik gabe, Konstituzio Auzitegiak (KA) eta Espainiako konstituzio-eta kontsulta-doktrinak «Ibarretxe Planari» azaldutako eragozpen eta akats guztiak, batez ere KAren 103/2008 Epaian jasotakoak eta KAren 31/2010 Epaian finkatutakoak, parte-hartze zuzeneko tresnak mesfidantzaz ikusten baitira, eta horiek «erabakitzeko eskubidea» gauzatzeko erabiltzearen kontrako jarrera politikoa dagoelako. RESUMEN: En 2003 se inició un proceso político en el País Vasco, con el objetivo de lograr un nuevo marco de organización y de relaciones políticas con el Estado español, a través del ejercicio del «derecho a decidir» en forma, primero, de propuesta de «reforma» del Estatuto de Autonomía, seguida después de una Ley de convocatoria y regulación de una consulta popular no vinculante, donde se contemplaba la realización de ésta como un instrumento de participación ciudadana fundamentado en el principio democrático, al margen de la legislación y autorización estatal. Esta propuesta introdujo en la agenda política española el debate sobre la admisibilidad de este tipo de consultas, tanto en términos de constitucionalidad como de oportunidad política. Por su parte, en desarrollo de la previsión contenida en el Estatuto de Autonomía de 2006, el Parlamento de Cataluña aprobó la Ley 4/2010, de consultas populares por vía de referéndum. Aunque los planteamientos vasco y catalán son distintos, la mayoría de objeciones y tachas planteadas por el Tribunal Constitucional (TC) y la doctrina constitucionalista y consultiva española al «Plan Ibarretxe», recogidas sobre todo en la STC 103/2008 y reforzadas en la STC 31/2010, se han hecho extensivas de forma indiscriminada a cualquier tipo de referéndum autonómico, en base a la desconfianza con que se contemplan los instrumentos de participación directa y por la prevención política que supone su utilización como vía para ejercer el «derecho a decidir». ABSTRACT: In 2003 it started a political process in the Basque Country with the aim of reaching a new organizational framework and political relations with Spain, through the exercise of the «right to decide» in shape, first, the proposed «reform» of the Statute of Autonomy, immediately after a Bill and regulation of a non-binding referendum, which aims to develop an instrument that based citizen participation in the democratic principle, regardless of state law and approval. The proposal introduced in the Spanish political agenda debate on the admissibility of such consultations, both in terms of constitutional and political opportunity. On the other hand, developing the Statute of Autonomy 2006 provision, the Parliament of Catalonia approved the Law 4/2010, popular consultations via referendum. The Basque and Catalan cases are different, however the majority of objections raised by the Constitutional Court studs and constitutional doctrine and the Spanish advisory «Ibarretxe Plan», collected mainly in STC 103/2008 and strengthened in STC 31/2010, have been extended indiscriminately to any regional referendum in based on the distrust that includes instruments direct and political prevention for its use as a way to exercise the «right to decide».


Commonwealth ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
John Arway

The challenges of including factual information in public policy and political discussions are many. The difficulties of including scientific facts in these debates can often be frustrating for scientists, politicians and policymakers alike. At times it seems that discussions involve different languages or dialects such that it becomes a challenge to even understand one another’s position. Oftentimes difference of opinion leads to laws and regulations that are tilted to the left or the right. The collaborative balancing to insure public and natural resource interests are protected ends up being accomplished through extensive litigation in the courts. In this article, the author discusses the history of environmental balancing during the past three decades from the perspective of a field biologist who has used the strength of our policies, laws and regulations to fight for the protection of our Commonwealth’s aquatic resources. For the past 7 years, the author has taken over the reins of “the most powerful environmental agency in Pennsylvania” and charted a course using science to properly represent natural resource interests in public policy and political deliberations.


1996 ◽  
Vol 35 (4I) ◽  
pp. 399-417 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Mellor

The right to the flow of income from water is vigorously pursued, protected, and fought over in any arid part of the world. Pakistan is of course no exception. Reform of irrigation institutions necessarily changes the rights to water, whether it be those of farmers, government, or government functionaries. Those perceived rights may be explicit and broadly accepted, or simply takings that are not even considered legitimate. Nevertheless they will be fought over. Pakistan has a long history of proposals for irrigation reform, little or none being implemented, except as isolated pilot projects. Thus, to propose major changes in irrigation institutions must be clearly shown to have major benefits to justify the hard battles that must be fought and the goodwill of those who might win those battles for reform. Proponents of irrigation institution reform have always argued the necessity of the reforms and the large gains to be achieved. Perhaps, however, those arguments have not been convincing. This paper will briefly outline the failed attempts at irrigation reform to provide an element of reality to the discussion. It will then proceed to make the case of the urgency of reform in a somewhat different manner to the past. Finally, current major reform proposals will be presented. This paper approaches justification of irrigation reform by focusing on the agricultural growth rate. It does so because that is the critical variable influencing poverty rates and is a significant determinant of over-all economic growth rates. The paper decomposes growth rates and suggests a residual effect of deterioration of the irrigation system that is large and calls for policy and institutional reform. The data are notional, suggesting the usefulness of the approach and paves the way for more detailed empirical analysis and enquiry for the future.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Léon E Dijkman

Abstract Germany is one of few jurisdictions with a bifurcated patent system, under which infringement and validity of a patent are established in separate proceedings. Because validity proceedings normally take longer to conclude, it can occur that remedies for infringement are imposed before a decision on the patent’s validity is available. This phenomenon is colloquially known as the ‘injunction gap’ and has been the subject of increasing criticism over the past years. In this article, I examine the injunction gap from the perspective of the right to a fair trial enshrined in Art. 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights. I find that the case law of the European Court of Human Rights interpreting this provision supports criticism of the injunction gap, because imposing infringement remedies with potentially far-reaching consequences before the validity of a patent has been established by a court of law arguably violates defendants’ right to be heard. Such reliance on the patent office’s grant decision is no longer warranted in the light of contemporary invalidation rates. I conclude that the proliferation of the injunction gap should be curbed by an approach to a stay of proceedings which is in line with the test for stays as formulated by Germany’s Federal Supreme Court. Under this test, courts should stay infringement proceedings until the Federal Patent Court or the EPO’s Board of Appeal have ruled on the validity of a patent whenever it is more likely than not that it will be invalidated.


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 115 ◽  
pp. 11-16
Author(s):  
Giesela Rühl

The past sixteen years have witnessed the proliferation of international commercial courts around the world. However, up until recently, this was largely an Asian and a Middle Eastern phenomenon. Only during the past decade have Continental European countries, notably Germany, France and the Netherlands, joined the bandwagon and started to create new judicial bodies for international commercial cases. Driven by the desire to attract high-volume commercial litigation, these bodies try to offer international businesses a better dispute settlement framework. But what are their chances of success? Will more international litigants decide to settle their disputes in these countries? In this essay, I argue that, despite its recently displayed activism, Continental Europe lags behind on international commercial courts. In fact, although the various European initiatives are laudable, most cannot compete with the traditional market leaders, especially the London Commercial Court, or with new rivals in Asia and the Middle East. If Continental Europe wants a role in the international litigation market, it must embrace more radical change. And this change will most likely have to happen on the European––not the national––level.


2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-362
Author(s):  
Myungji Yang

Through the case of the New Right movement in South Korea in the early 2000s, this article explores how history has become a battleground on which the Right tried to regain its political legitimacy in the postauthoritarian context. Analyzing disputes over historiography in recent decades, this article argues that conservative intellectuals—academics, journalists, and writers—play a pivotal role in constructing conservative historical narratives and building an identity for right-wing movements. By contesting what they viewed as “distorted” leftist views and promoting national pride, New Right intellectuals positioned themselves as the guardians of “liberal democracy” in the Republic of Korea. Existing studies of the Far Right pay little attention to intellectual circles and their engagement in civil society. By examining how right-wing intellectuals appropriated the past and shaped triumphalist national imagery, this study aims to better understand the dynamics of ideational contestation and knowledge production in Far Right activism.


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