Epilogue

2018 ◽  
pp. 201-206
Author(s):  
Patricia de Santana Pinho
Keyword(s):  
Black Diaspora ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Advanced Stage ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Black Lives Matter ◽  
Transnational Solidarity ◽  
Female President

The book concludes by reflecting on Brazil’s current political crisis, following the institutional coup d’état that ousted Dilma Rousseff, the country’s first female president. The epilogue discusses the deployment of an evolutionist language among the left to define the sudden turn of events as a “reversion” to a less advanced stage of the country’s development, and it argues that evolutionist explanations are unproductive, even when they seem appealing. Alternative ways to explain reality, that move us beyond hierarchical and Eurocentric logics, are more necessary than ever. The epilogue also points to new trends of black diaspora travel where transnational solidarity continues to be crucial, including that carried out by members of the Black Lives Matter movement.

scholarly journals Holy Synod and Political Crisis of Interregnum

2020 ◽  
pp. 340-358
Author(s):  
M. S. Belousov ◽  
T. V. Lebenkova
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Everyday Activities ◽  
State Apparatus

The features of the development of the dynastic crisis of the interregnum of 1825 through the prism of the functioning of one of the key public authorities - the Holy Synod is discussed in the article. An analysis of the literature allows us to conclude that in modern historiography, the events of the oath to Grand Duke Konstantin received conflicting estimates. It is noted that as a result there were several interpretative schemes of what happened in the capital on November 27. An appeal to the workflow of the Synod makes it possible to assert that from the point of view of the logic of the functioning of the state apparatus, a coup d’etat took place. An analysis of everyday activities, the key bureaucratic formulas in the protocols leads to the conclusion that the bureaucratic reaction to the oath to Konstantin did not correspond to the established traditions and was distinguished by haste and internal contradictions. This was reflected primarily in the decisions of November 27: the Synod decides on the oath, relying on oral reports from the synodal members, but the next day duplicates its own decision, referring to the jurisdiction of the Senate. Moreover, a comparison with the events of December 12-14 shows that the accession to the throne of Nikolai Pavlovich was carried out in accordance with the order established in the previous century and was distinguished by deliberate legal accuracy and consistency.

scholarly journals Clan hierarchy as the basis of the “tulip revolution” in Kyrgyzstan

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-171
Author(s):  
S. A. Voronin ◽  
E. A. Bakina
Keyword(s):  
Political Competition ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The North ◽  
External Forces ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
North And South

In 2005, the so-called Tulip Revolution took place in Kyrgyzstan. In terms of form and content, the events that took place in Kyrgyzstan fully fit into the concept of protest movements (velvet, melon, jasmine and other revolutions) that unfolded at the end of the 20th and beginning of the 21st centuries. The start to such “revolutions” aimed at changing the regime was given in 1953, when the Prime Minister of Iran Mossadyk was removed from power during the coup d’etat, which was supervised by the CIA. An analysis of the events in Kyrgyzstan showed that behind the coup that led to the overthrow of President Askar Akayev, there were external forces coordinating their efforts in accordance with the methodological recommendations of the American technologist of political coups Gene Sharpe. However, external actions, for all their significance, did not become the main cause of the Tulip Revolution, but acted only as a catalyst. Over the centuries, in Kyrgyzstan there has been a complex of internal contradictions between various political groups, which became the detonator of a political cataclysm in 2005. One of the most significant internal causes of the political crisis of 2005 was the clan rivalry of the North and South in the struggle for power. The clan hierarchy has been the foundation of the political systems of Central Asia for centuries; Kyrgyzstan was no exception. The article is devoted to the consideration of the mechanism of the clan hierarchy, the analysis of political competition between the North and the South, the role and importance of clans during the 2005 coup.

scholarly journals Unnoticed Coup D’état

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-97
Author(s):  
Mikhail S. Belousov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Family Law ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Question ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Separate Family ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
History Of

The article is devoted to the history of the emergence and development of the political crisis of the Interregnum. The central question of the article is examination of the reason why Nikolai, having received news of the death of Alexander, decided to swear allegiance to Konstantin. An analysis of historiography demonstrates that the most diametrical interpretations of this event are presented in the literature: Nikolai acted under pressure from M. A. Miloradovich and/or Maria Fedorovna, together with the Governor-General and/or Empress Mother. An important aspect of the work is the study of the normative component of the problem of succession. It is shown that by November 1825 a contradictory situation had developed: by law the heir was Konstantin, by family agreement — Nikolai. The article justifiably proves that the Manifesto of Alexander I on the transfer of the throne of Nicholas was a model of separate family law and was never supposed to be published. On the basis of a wide range of sources, the article reconstructs the course of meetings on November 25, describes the features of taking the oath on November 27, and reveals the development of the dynastic crisis arising from them. It is demonstrated that Nicholas had a complex plan to seize power, which implied unification with representatives of the generals and the highest bureaucracy, an oath in favor of Konstantin in violation of the established tradition, pressure on his older brother and, ultimately, the proclamation of emperor. The article presents the question of rumors spread in St. Petersburg society related to the secession of Poland and the hypothetical murder of Constantine.

Imperial Authority in Crisis: An Interpretation of the Coup D'état of 1861

1983 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luke S. K. Kwong
Keyword(s):  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Second Development ◽  
Imperial Authority ◽  
Imperial Power ◽  
The Subject

The significance of the coup d'état of 1861 in late-Ch'ing history has been appraised by many scholars. A fairly typical viewpoint has been expressed by the eminent Chinese historian Wu Hsiang-hsiang: ‘Had there not been the coup of 1861, there would not have been the coup of 1898.’ One need not entertain the same degree of determinism to acknowledge, with Wu, that the coup of 1861 was important in its effects on the exercise of imperial power in later decades. The coup did, in fact, not only provide the immediate circumstances which favored an unprecedented experiment with the Ch'ing imperial form, namely, a regency formed by the empresses-dowager, but it did also enable the famous (or infamous) empress-dowager, Tz'u-hsi, to secure her rise to a supremacy in court affairs which ended only with her death in 1908. In view of this second development, scholars have long argued that Tz'u-hsi was both the mastermind and chief beneficiary of the coup, which was the product of her intrigues and manipulations. In fact, it has been called her (Yehonala's) coup d'état. While this view will presently be examined, my main purpose here is to define the nature of the political crisis from which the coup of 1861, as well as the idea of the female regency, originated. This, I believe, is one aspect of the subject that has not been sufficiently investigated.

Institution of Impeachment (Juicio Político) in selected states of Latin America

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 179-196
Author(s):  
Joanna Składowska
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Attractive Alternative ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
Control Character ◽  
Legal Character

The purpose of the article is to analyse the legal institution of juicio politico (impeachment) in the LatinAmerican presidential system, regarding the regulation adopted in Argentina, Brazil, Honduras and Paraguay. The hypothesis assumes that the impeachment in Latin America turns from the instrument of pure control character into the tool dedicated to resolve the political crisis by mean of “legislative coup d’état”. The author will search for the answers for the following questions: 1) what is the legal character of LatinAmerican impeachment? 2) what makes the impeachment more common in Latin America that in United States or European countries? 3) why does it become an attractive alternative for other methods to resolve political crises? The legal, institutional as well as the comparative method will be adopted in the article.

scholarly journals Conjuntura política e econômica no Brasil (1950-1964): terreno fértil para o Golpe de 1964 * Political and economic conjuncture in Brazil (1950-1964): a fertile land for the 1964 coup d'État

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 189
Author(s):  
FABIANO FARIAS DE SOUZA
Keyword(s):  
Common Interest ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Enabling Environment ◽  
Brazilian State ◽  
Ideological Polarization ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Fertile Land

<p><strong>Resumo:</strong> Os anos que precederam o golpe de Estado em 1964 no Brasil foram marcados por momentos políticos turbulentos que contribuíram para a efetivação de articulações e conspirações que tramavam a derrubada do presidente João Goulart, visto como solução para o fim das crises econômicas, políticas e sociais que aconteciam sucessivamente no país. Nesse período, a sociedade se dividia entre as propostas da esquerda e da direita em vigor no debate político à época. Assim, analisaremos as circunstâncias que forjaram um ambiente favorável a civis e militares identificados que comungavam o interesse comum de substituição do poder vigente através da tomada do controle do Estado brasileiro.</p><p><strong>Palavras-chave:</strong> Populismo – Polarização ideológica – Crise política.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> The years preceding the 1964 coup d’état in Brazil were marked by turbulent political moments that contributed to the accomplishment of joints and conspiracies that were plotting the overthrow of President João Goulart, seen as a solution to the end of the economic, political and social crises taking place successively in the country. In this period, society was divided between the proposals of the left and right of the political debate in effect at that time. Thus, we analyze the circumstances that forged an enabling environment for identified civil and military that communed common interest in replacing the ruling power by taking control of the Brazilian State.</p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Populism – Ideological polarization – Political crisis.</p>

Coup D’état in Three Acts

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danny Orbach
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Active Duty ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Military ◽  
Military Budget

This chapter examines the Taishō political crisis of 1912–1913. It first considers Home Minister Hara Kei's “positive policy” and the military budget dispute of autumn 1912 involving the army and navy before discussing the imperial ordinance known as the “rule of active duty ministry.” It then turns to Prime Minister Saionji Kinmochi's conflict with the army and his successor Katsura Tarō's dispute with the navy. It also explains how the “active duty rule” and the political tools it had generated turned the budgetary dispute of autumn 1912 into a government crisis, and finally, into a military coup d'état. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the ramifications of the Taishō political crisis for the future.

scholarly journals Competing interpretations of socio-political crisis in Ukraine in 2013-2016

Argumentum ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 105-121
Author(s):  
Valentin Yakushik
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Present Stage ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
One Dimensional ◽  
Political Literature ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Foreign Intervention ◽  
Multi Level

The research object of this article deals with a sharp ideological conflict that is associated with the presence of diametrically opposite interpretations of the nature of and the relevant interpretations of the present stage of socio-political crisis in Ukraine, which has started in 2013. In the mass media and in political literature, there is a wide range of characteristics and conceptual designations of the events of autumn 2013 – spring 2014 (and the subsequent processes) that vary from the “revolution of dignity” combined with the opposing her “foreign intervention” and “separatist movements” to a “coup d’etat” which provoked a “civil war” and “regionalist movements”. The objectives of the article are to show the limitations of one-dimensional, strikingly ideologized interpretations and the need (for social sciences) to generate unbiased multi-dimensional, multi-level vision of complex, contradictory, and, in fact, tectonic transformations in the contemporary Ukraine.

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