scholarly journals FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND MILITARY DICTATORSHIP IN PAKISTAN: CASE OF ZIA REGIME

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dr. Shahnila Naz

Martial law is considered to be a political disaster in any country and its survival then depends on the military government. Founder of Pakistan Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah also advised the military to remain loyal to the government and the constitution of the country. He never even thought about any constitutional role of the military which clearly indicates that Jinnah favoured democracy as the system of government for Pakistan. In this article, I focussed that military is a constitutional part of the government and can tell the president about the disorder in the country where the crisis is and what result there will be for the government. The military intervention of the army is subject to a few things, if these specific circumstances are not faced, then the military cannot intervene because their basic task is to protect the borders and to run the government is the task of the nation, I would like to highlight the violence of freedom of Expression and constraints for fiction writers during Zia ul Haq regime in Pakistan.

Religions ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (10) ◽  
pp. 308
Author(s):  
Yohan Yoo ◽  
Minah Kim

This paper illuminates the prophetic consciousness of Korean Protestant leaders by examining the “Korea National Prayer Breakfast” (Gukgajochangidohoe, 국가조찬기도회) that they hosted, particularly during the military regimes. In explaining the motivation for and intention of this special religious event in the political arena, most scholars have emphasized the Protestant leaders’ political ambition and their agendas to get the government support and expand their power in Korean society. However, we should take heed of the leaders’ religious aspirations to make the country righteous in God’s sight. They attempted to have a good influence on the inner circle of the military dictatorship, which some Christians regarded as an evil force. Though they preached to and prayed for the military regimes, their sermons were often unpleasant and challenging to the presidents and their associates. The Protestant leaders wanted to play the role of John the Baptist rebuking Herod Antipas rather than the compliant chief priests and scribes serving Herod the Great.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (IV) ◽  
pp. 41-48
Author(s):  
Kausar Shafiq ◽  
Abdul Basit Khan ◽  
Ali Shan Shah

The denial of the institutionalization of political power by various civilian as well as martial law regimes has been a constant problem in Pakistan. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was the first person who could do so in an effective manner, but his eternal departure in the early phase of the history of Pakistan changed the entire course of the country, and the successor leadership had to pursue self-serving politics just to prolong their rule. The same is the case with the rule of General Pervaiz Musharraf (1999-2008), which converted the parliamentary system envisaged by the 1973 constitution of Pakistan into a quasi-presidential system just to prolong the military dictatorship. The subsequent rule of the Pakistan Peoples' Party (2008-2013) was a tough period for the political leadership since the preceding dictatorship had completely altered the socio-political landscape of the country; however, the political wisdom of Mr. Asif Ali Zardari helped the country to sail smoothly during the aftershocks of the martial law regime. In that perspective, the current study intends to analyze the political developments in Pakistan during the third rule of the Pakistan Peoples' Party over the country during the period 2008-2013.


1974 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-148
Author(s):  
G. Ezejiofor

Since 19592 a bill of rights has always been written into successive Nigerian Constitutions. When the Military took over the government of the country in 1966, it suspended3 or amended a number of the provisions of the governing 1963 Constitution. Quite remarkably Chapter 3 of that Constitution embodying the bill of rights is among the portions that have not been altered or suspended. It is therefore significant that even under the military regime the fundamental rights of the individual are protected by the Constitution. It must however be observed that, before the military intervention, the bill of rights was entrenched in the Constitution since the rights and the procedure for their enforcement could only be altered through a rather complicated process in which both the central and regional legislatures had to participate.4 Since the army take-over no part of the Constitution is entrenched. This is because section 4 of the 1963 Constitution providing for a stiff and complicated amending procedure of some of its provisions has been suspended5 and the Supreme Military Council is now competent to enact any laws on any topic by decree6 and no decree is required to be promulgated in any special form or through any special procedure. A decree is valid once it is signed by the Head of the Federal Military Government.7


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 235
Author(s):  
Walter Guedes Silva ◽  
Mateus Boldrine Abrita

ResumoConsiderada pelo governo militar como um vazio demográfico que deveria ser ocupado, a região Centro-Oeste brasileira vivenciou, durante os anos 70 e 80 do século 20, um processo de modernização das atividades agrícolas e de consumo de produtos industriais. Uma integração que atendeu aos interesses do capital, que associado ao Estado brasileiro conduziu o Centro-Oeste à especialização na produção de commodities. Entre as estratégias utilizadas pelo governo, destacamos a criação da Superintendência de Desenvolvimento do Centro-Oeste (SUDECO), em 1967, que teve a tarefa de conduzir o Centro-Oeste a uma integração com as demais regiões do Brasil. Com o objetivo de analisar o papel da Primeira Sudeco (1967 a 1990) como órgão de planejamento e desenvolvimento do Centro-Oeste, esse trabalho foi conduzido por meio do levantamento da literatura regional que discute o papel da Superintendência no processo de desenvolvimento da região Centro-Oeste brasileira, de dados e indicadores estatísticos e dos documentos da própria Superintendência. A ação estatal na região foi fundamental para consolidar os interesses do capital agroindustrial com a integração da região Centro-Oeste à economia nacional.Palavras-chave: Estado, planejamento, integração, commodities. AbstractConsidered by the military government as a demographic vacuum which should be occupied, the Brazilian mid-west region went through a process of modernization in its agricultural activities and demand for manufactured goods through the 70s and 80s of the 20th century. There was integration that fulfilled the interests of capital, and associated with the Brazilian Government, it led the Mid-West to specialize in the production of commodities. Among the strategies used by the government, we point out the creation of Superintendência de Desenvolvimento do Centro-Oeste (SUDECO), in 1967, which aimed to lead the Mid-West to integrate into the other regions in Brazil. With the objective of analyzing the role of the first Sudeco (from 1967 to 1990) as a planning and development institution in the Mid-West, this work was carried out through analyzing regional literature that discuss the role of the Institution in the development process of the Brazilian mid-west region, and also the Institution’s data, statistical indicators and documents. The governmental action in the region was essential to consolidate the interests of agricultural and industrial investments with the integration of the Mid-West region into the national economy.Keywords: State, planning, integration, commodities.  RésuméConsiderée, à l’époque du régime militaire, comme un vide démographique destiné à être peuplé, la région du centre-ouest brésilien a connu, durant les années 1970 et 1980, un processus de mordernisation de ses activités agricoles et de consommation de produits industriels. Lié aux intérêts du capital, cet effort d’intégration, en association avec l’État brésilien, a conduit la région du Centre-Ouest vers l’expertise dans la production de commodities. Parmi les stratégies mises en place par le gouvernement se situe, en particulier, la création de la Surintendance de Développement du Centre-Ouest (Sudeco) en 1967, dont le but était de promouvoir une intégration avec les autres régions du Brésil. Ayant pour but d’analyser le rôle de la première Sudeco (1967-1990) en tant qu’organe de plannification et de développement du Centre-Ouest, cette recherche s’est basée sur la révision de la littérature régionale disponible, notamment  le rôle de la Surintendance dans le processus de développement de la région Centre-Ouest brésilienne. Sont également présentés des données, des indicateurs statistiques et des documents élaborés par la Surintendance. L’action de l’état dans la région a joué un rôle fondamental dans la consolidation des intérêts du capital agro-industriel, à la suite de l’intégration de la région dans l’économie nationale.Mots-clés: État, plannification, intégration, commodities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zeb-un-Nisa ◽  
Ghulam Mustafa ◽  
Muhammad Arslan

Pakistan has faced intermittent military interventions in politics since its establishment. In altered military governments, Pakistan faced severe swipes in public policy formulation since first martial law of Ayub Khan to the last military government of General Musharraf. Military governments tried to get de-jure prestige after coming into power and designed the government structure to sponsor their interests. Under military governance, performance of judiciary, religious leaders, external players and local administration persisted in critical situation. During military regimes, transformation program was executed in the country through public policy formulation intended to bring broadminded modifications in the constitution, legal and public domains of the country. This study will observe the major policies of the military regimes in Pakistan and their impacts on social setup of the country. The core purpose of this study is to scrutinize the process of public policy formulation in Pakistan during military regimes, their effects upon the socio-political environment of Pakistan and addresses the key causes of disappointing results of these policies. The causes of armed forces interventions in politics of Pakistan will also be analyzed. The findings specifies that pitiable articulation of policies, feeble establishment, dominating behavior of military executives, poor structure of funds management, varied interests of community and that execution of public policies blemished by exploitation are noteworthy reasons to failure of public policies in the country. The study acclaims rearrangement of socio-political situations as benevolent expansions for difficulties of public policy.


Author(s):  
MILAN KOLJANIN ◽  
DRAGICA KOLJANIN

There are various doubts and ambiguities regarding the dispatch of the memorandum by the Government of the Independent State of Croatia (ISC) to the Western Allies asking for military intervention in early May 1945, giving rise to different interpretations in historiography. These varying interpretations are related to the circumstances of the dispatch of the memorandum, its text, the actions of prominent representatives of the Ustasha government, relations between the new Yugoslav authorities and Western allies, especially the British and the role of Archbishop Stepinac and the Holy See in the ISC. In order to understand the memorandum, it is necessary to consider the most important political and military circumstances at the end of World War II in Yugoslavia, especially the politics of the new Yugoslavia and the Western powers, primarily the British. The representatives of the Holy See in the ISC and the Archbishop of Zagreb, Alojzije Stepinac, played an important role in efforts to preserve the Ustasha state. This paper was written based on unpublished and published archival sources and relevant historiographical literature.


Revista Labor ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (18) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Eneas de Araújo Arrais Neto

Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar os edifícios sedes dos órgãos públicos federais construídos na cidade de Fortaleza durante os anos de vigência do “Regime Militar”. Parte da compreensão de que a arquitetura, enquanto objeto de fruição coletiva, assume o papel de meio de comunicação de massa no espaço urbano e, como tal, foi um dos instrumentos de divulgação ideológica dos governos militares dirigidos aos setores sociais urbanos; veiculando principalmente idéias de modernização, desenvolvimento, racionalidade, onipotência do poder estatal e autoritarismo. Analisa igualmente as influências, neste processo, da cultura de classe do setor burocrático-estatal, e propõe que estas edificações, ao estabelecerem novos padrões estéticos e de utilização de materiais e equipamentos de procedência tecnológica estrangeira, se constituíram em elementos importantes do processo de abertura da economia nacional ao capital multinacional, em particular no que diz respeito ao mercado da construção civil.Abstract This paper presents the arquitectural critique of a specific group of edifications built in the city of Fortaleza during the period of the military governments in Brazil. The character of the architecture developed by the military government in public buildings in this period is common all over the country: the facilities were built to with the intention to occupy the cities as out-doors of the military governments, diffusing images of modernization, rationality, economic development and the power of the state.   Through the use of architectural language, by the means of design, project, materials, forms and other ways, the architecture of the public sector played the role of ideology, besides introducing imported materials and equipment previously unused in the building sector of the country.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-137
Author(s):  
Yohannes Tesfaye Getachew

Abstract Koshe town is the administrative and commercial center of Mareko woreda.1 It is found in Gurage Zone Southern Nation Nationalities and Peoples Regional State. According to the tradition the origin of the name “Koshe” is originated from the plant which called by the name Koshe which abundantly grow in the area. The establishment of Koshe town is directly associated with the five years Italian occupation. Due to the expansion of patriotic movement in the area Italian officials of the area forced to establish additional camp in the area in a particular place Koshe. This paper explores the role of Fascist Italy for the establishment of Koshe town. The former weekly market shifted its location and established around the Italian camp. Following the evacuation of Fascist Italy the Ethiopian governments control the area. During the government of Emperor Haile Selassie Koshe town got some important developmental programs. The most important development was the opening of the first school by the effort of the Swedes.2 The Military regime (Derg)3 also provided important inputs for the urbanization of Koshe town. This research paper observes the development works that flourish in Koshe during the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie and the Military regime, and also asses the role of different organizations for the urbanization of Koshe town.


2021 ◽  
pp. 201-230
Author(s):  
Steven Gow Calabresi

This chapter looks at Brazilian judicial review. Judicial review in Brazil originated because it was borrowed from the U.S. Constitution. It emerged in amplified form in Brazil’s 1988 Constitution because, by 1988, the normative appeal of judicial review was widely appreciated all over the world. Moreover, the Hybrid Model of judicial review in Brazil, whereby the Supreme Federal Tribunal is both, at the apex of a diffuse system of judicial review, and is also a Constitutional Court, reflects widespread appreciation for the value of a system like the German Constitutional Court in a civil law jurisdiction. The power of such a court to issue rulings with erga omnes effect is especially important in civil law countries like Brazil, which lack systems of stare decisis. First, judicial review emerged in Brazil as the result of borrowing. Second, it emerged as a rights from wrongs reaction to abuses of power during Fascism and during the military dictatorship, which ruled Brazil for 1964 until 1984. Third, judicial review is necessary in Brazil for both federalism and separation of powers umpiring reasons. Fourth, judicial review in Brazil also emerged because the constitution-writing elite wanted to entrench its liberal and socialist values to forestall the emergence of yet another military government in the country. And, fifth, the Brazilian Constitution divides and allocates power among so many federal and state entities that the Supreme Federal Tribunal has the political space it needs to play a really big role in governing the country.


Author(s):  
Brian E. Loveman

Latin America’s armed forces have played a central role in the region’s political history. This selective annotated bibliography focuses on key sources, with varying theoretical, empirical, and normative treatments of the military governments in the region, from the Cuban Revolution (1959) until the end of the Cold War (1989–1990). The article is limited to those cases in which military governments or “civil-military” governments were in power. This excludes personalist dictatorships, party dictatorships, and civilian governments in which the armed forces exercised considerable influence but did not rule directly. No pretense is made of comprehensiveness or of treating the “causes” of military coups (a vast literature) and of civil-military relations under civilian governments. Likewise, the closely related topics of guerrilla movements during this period, human rights violations under the military governments, US policy and support for many of the military governments, and the transitions back to civilian government (including “transitional justice”) are not covered in depth, but some of the selections do treat these topics and direct the reader to a more extensive literature on these subjects. Long-term military governments, with changing leadership in most cases, controlled eleven Latin American nations for significant periods from 1964 to 1990: Ecuador, 1963–1966 and 1972–1978; Guatemala, 1963–1985 (with an interlude from 1966–1969); Brazil, 1964–1985; Bolivia, 1964–1970 and 1971–1982; Argentina, 1966–1973 and 1976–1983; Peru, 1968–1980; Panama, 1968–1989; Honduras, 1963–1966 and 1972–1982; Chile, 1973–1990; and Uruguay, 1973–1984. In El Salvador the military dominated the government from 1948 until 1984, but the last “episode” was from 1979 to 1984. Military governments, though inevitably authoritarian, implemented varying economic, social, and foreign policies. They had staunch supporters and intense opponents, and they were usually subject to internal factionalism and ideological as well as policy disagreements. The sources discussed in this article reflect that diversity.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document