scholarly journals Crises of political development in Ukraine: causes and content

2021 ◽  
pp. 33-61
Author(s):  
Galyna Zelenko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Stratification ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Low Efficiency

Crises of political development are inherent in countries transitioning from an authoritarian to a democratic regime. In contrast to political crises, crises of political development are inherent in transit societies. Usually they have much deeper and more fundamental reasons related to the quality of the authoritarian political regime, the nature of the transformational changes and are much longer lasting. Іn this article author analyzes the crises of political development that are manifested in Ukraine during the transformation of the political regime. The crises of political development include the crisis of identity, distribution, participation, penetration and legitimacy. The crisis of identity characterizes the disintegration of ideals and values that dominated in political culture of the previous period; the crisis of distribution lies in the inability of the ruling elite to ensure socially acceptable growth of material well-being and its distribution, which causes social stratification and is a constant source of socio-political conflicts; the crisis of penetration is conditioned in the reduced ability of public authorities to perform the functions inherent in the state, which complicates the implementation of reforms and governance; the crisis of participation is conditioned through the creation of artificial barriers by the ruling class for the inclusion in political life of groups claiming power or passivity of society, as a result of which unconventional forms of political participation begin to prevail; the crisis of legitimacy is conditioned in the low efficiency of the constitutional model of power organization and arises as a result of inconsistency of goals and values of the ruling regime with the ideas of the majority of citizens about the rules of just government. The combination of these crises creates a crisis syndrome of modernization and hinders the development of the state in general. In conclusions the author formulates the institutional tools which can reduce the negative effects of crises of political development. Key words: crisis of political development, crisis of identity, crisis of distribution, crisis of participation, crisis of penetration, crisis of legitimacy, financial-industrial groups, political institutionalization, political regime.

scholarly journals ECONOMICS AND TAXATION OF WEALTH

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 126-132
Author(s):  
Mykhailo Sverdan
Keyword(s):  
Market Economy ◽  
Social Stratification ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
Social Market Economy ◽  
Financial Policy ◽  
Material Wealth ◽  
Wealth Tax ◽  
Social Market ◽  
Public Revenues

The purpose of the paper is to study current issues of wealth, which is due to current sustainable trends in wealth growth and increasing the number of wealthy individuals. The aim is to determine the essence, prerequisites for the emergence and development of wealth, as well as to reflect the historical aspects of the evolution of wealth and its current state. The topic of the article is caused by the need to reveal the modern social stratification of population by the level of wealth, the formation of a wealthy class of society and its growth, the processes of creating and increasing wealth. At the same time, the purpose of the article is to study wealth as an object of taxation. In this regard, an economical essence of the wealth tax and its introduction preconditions are considered, the specificity of functioning of wealth tax in a market economy, the most important features of wealth tax functioning are determined. Methodology. Proper analysis of the social structure of society in terms of material wealth allows to evaluate the efficiency of the economy and the quality of public policy in the system of creating and distributing public revenues, public goods and wealth. Fatal mistakes in choosing the state priorities of socio-economic policies and making the best decisions in the financial sphere appear without the results of these calculations. The survey is based on a comparison of data of wealth tax in different countries. Results. The question and the modern specifics of wealth are investigated. The value of wealth for society and the state is determined. The wealth tax is an effective fiscal tool of the state in the distribution of public revenues. The wealth tax exists in many countries in various forms. Practical implications. The possibilities of improving well-being and increasing wealth are explored. Adequate assessment of the level of well-being and wealth would enable the state to carry out a balanced and effective socio-economic and financial policy to stabilize society and adopt a stable public order. The financial essence of the wealth tax and its introduction preconditions are investigated. The specificity of functioning of wealth tax in a social market economy is considered. Value/originality. It has been found that wealth is a comprehensive, multi-faceted category, which can be characterized as a specific feature of the socio-economic structure of society, which determines its condition, results, dynamics and development tendencies. Wealth characterizes the ability to achieve a positive result (effect) in market conditions of managing and using the existing social and economic potential in the community, as evidenced by its level of civilization development. The peculiarities of the functioning of the wealth tax in different countries of the world are considered. The using of the wealth tax as a fiscal instrument in the state tax system is suggested.

scholarly journals Organization of housing and communal services management in Moscow (using the Golyanovo District as an example)

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (Extra-C) ◽  
pp. 176-189
Author(s):  
Ekaterina A. Vetrova ◽  
Elena E. Kabanova
Keyword(s):  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
Public Utility ◽  
Sharp Contrast ◽  
Objective Indicator ◽  
Utility Services ◽  
Low Efficiency ◽  
The City ◽  
Quality Of The Population

Since the last decade of the XX century, the sphere of housing maintenance and utilities has been undergoing a period of reform. Its main goal is to transfer the activities of economic entities in this area to market principles, to carry out a comprehensive modernization of its infrastructure, to ensure the economical use of all types of resources, to expand the range and to improve the quality of housing and public utility services.  The problem of the study is that in modern conditions the housing maintenance and utilities is among the key life-supporting sectors of administrative-territorial entities and acts as an objective indicator of the level and quality of the population well-being, which contradicts the low efficiency of the housing maintenance and utilities management in certain territories. In some districts of the city of Moscow, it is in sharp contrast to the general advanced innovative level of management and the state of housing maintenance and utilities in the Russian capital.  

scholarly journals Formation of anti-corruption legal consciousness of state and municipal officials of Russia

2019 ◽  
Vol 70 ◽  
pp. 11005
Author(s):  
Svetlana Kuzina ◽  
Inga Sagiryan ◽  
Gleb Fomin
Keyword(s):  
Modern Society ◽  
The State ◽  
Legal Consciousness ◽  
State Control ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Russian State ◽  
Slow Moving ◽  
Control Of Corruption ◽  
Moving Process

The article is devoted to the state of public legal consciousness of society as a whole, and one of its strata – the governing elite, state and municipal officials, regarding issues related to corruption in Russia. On the way of movement of the Russian state to the civilized principles of construction of modern society there are a lot of difficulties, which should be overcome both by the state power, and the Russian citizens. Such problems are: stereotypical thinking, traditionally forming a neutral and tolerant attitude of Russians to the manifestations of corruption; lack of strict state control of corruption actions of the ruling elite; resistance of the ruling class to the spread of international requirements for the state to fight against corruption, and so on. Bringing Russian anti-corruption legislation into requirements of compliance with the rule of law is a slow-moving process, but the need to improve it has become an urgent need not only for the Russian Federation, but also for the Supreme power.

GORBACHEV – YELTSIN  – PUTIN: DISCUSSION AROUND MODELS OF POLITICAL REGIME. WHAT'S NEXT?

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
N.P. MEDVEDEV ◽  
D.E. SLIZOVSKIY ◽  
V.A. GLEBOV
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Mikhail Gorbachev ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
Vladimir Putin ◽  
Expert Community

The present and future of political development in Russia is not in last place on the agenda of a wide variety of ideological and political forces and the widebranched structure of the media at home and abroad. Objectively, the way the present and future of the Russian Federation and its political regime are seen and thought of, on the one hand, inflames passions, and on the other hand, obscures the essence of the ideological and political discussion and disputes on the issue. There is a need to better understand the issue, because neither the expert community nor the political scientists have a dominant and reasonable understanding of either the relations of the Russian sociopolitical movement, or political parties to a worthy ideology, to the preferred technologies of sociopolitical development in Russia, or political tasks for the state, political parties, leaders and Russian civil society. The most characteristic indicator of the unfavorable situation in the understanding of the future is the reaction to the demands of the society, political rivals or opposition forces to power, or the ruling elite, heterogeneous in its interests. The article does not present reflections of skeptics or optimists, but an attempt, based on the analysis of expert assessments of the current political discourse and the dynamics of the three models of political development of the country under Mikhail Gorbachev, B.N. Yeltsin and Vladimir Putin, to show the chronic inevitability that the future political system and political regime will repeat past historical events, episodes and actions. Let no one be surprised or impressed by the importance of the experience of radical political and historical changes that have been and are experienced by Russia and their dependence on our actions and beliefs.

Two Concepts of State in the Tanzimat Period: the Hatt-ı Şerif of Gülhane and the Hatt-ı Hümayun

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-137
Author(s):  
Butrus Abu-Manneh
Keyword(s):  
Social Mobility ◽  
The State ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Crimean War ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
The Sublime ◽  
The Government ◽  
Two Phases ◽  
Turkish Society

This article suggests dividing the Tanzimat period into two phases each run by a different elite. Phase one extended from 1839 to 1854 and phase two between 1855 and 1871 after which the Sublime Porte entered a few years of instability. The traditional ruling class left over from the period of Sultan Mahmud Ii controlled the state after him. Its major contribution was the promulgation of the Hatt-ı Şerif of Gülhane, the aim of which was to end absolute rule and restore justice in the government system. However failing to check the drift into the Crimean War this traditional ruling class lost power in favour of a new ruling elite whose members belonged to a lower-middle or lower classes, and who as such represented social mobility within Ottoman Turkish society.

The Failure of the Regime or the Demise of the State?

2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 328-332
Author(s):  
Rabab El-Mahdi
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
Symbolic Power ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Perceived Threat ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Arab Region ◽  
Official Discourse ◽  
And Shifts ◽  
Governing Institutions

In English the terms “political system” and “political regime” are used to distinguish different constructs. The first was initially developed by behavioralists such as David Easton and Gabriel Almond to replace the older, institutionalist term, the “state”; the second typically designates the arrangements for producing a government. In Arabic, though, the words “system” and “regime” both translate asniẓām. This piece argues that when millions of citizens across the Arab region came out in 2011 chantingal-shaʿb yurīd isqāṭ al-niẓām, those chants marked a critical juncture in a long process reflecting the end of not just the existing regimes, but also the states as we knew them. Whether defined in terms of governing institutions and capabilities, as Lisa Anderson, Ellen Lust, and Ariel Ahram do, or in terms of discourse, imagination, and symbolic power, as Ellis Goldberg and Charles Tripp do, the state was withering away long before the uprising. Concomitantly, the heightened levels of repression and shifts within official discourse by the changing ruling elite after the uprisings signal a perceived threat to the state itself, and not just to a particular regime. And while this piece focuses on Egypt, unlike some of the other contributions in this collection, I argue that the nation-state, as a conceptual and material construct, is being challenged.

Strangers and Members: Equality in an Immigration Setting

1994 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Galloway
Keyword(s):  
Well Being ◽  
Refugee Camp ◽  
Political Community ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Immigration Law ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Stranger ◽  
The Needy

Immigration Law has as its primary subject the stranger: the outsider who is under no obligation of allegiance to the state, who is not represented in its political processes, and whose needs and interests are, in most situations, accorded less concern than those of people who already participate in the social and political life of a community. The immigrant stranger may, of course, appear in a variety of guises. He may be a wealthy entrepreneur or investor who belongs to another political community but who chooses to emigrate to advance his own or his family’s well-being. Alternatively, the stranger may be a person who has experienced life solely within the confines of a community that is plagued by economic deprivation. Such a person may be crippled by physical and emotional need or cultural fragmentation. His search is for a new social environment in which, it is hoped, these constraints will not be present in such exaggerated or severe measure. Sometimes the needy stranger will be seeking an immediate escape from a political regime which offers her no protection or which aims at her very destruction, and sometimes she will be searching for deliverance from the incessant, limbo-like tedium or the multitude of unspeakable terrors to which one is exposed in a refugee camp. Whatever the guise in which he or she appears, the stranger is someone with whom the modern political state must come to terms. He or she cannot be ignored.

scholarly journals State crisis: concepts and classification

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 42-49
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Taldykin
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
State Regulation ◽  
The State ◽  
State Sovereignty ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Territorial Integrity ◽  
Economic Formation

The article deals with the concept and signs of state crisis. The classification of state crises according to different criteria is presented. The state, as a political and territorial organization of society, is a complex system of various elements that function in interrelationship and interdependence and must serve the interests of civil society. Of course, if such a state is ideally related to it, society, it functions to meet its needs. The failure of one part of a complex multilevel State mechanism will inevitably have negative and sometimes irreversible consequences for other elements, which in itself will already be an indicator of certain crisis phenomena. What is a crisis of the State and what is its classification, in our view, these very issues are extremely relevant to the theory of the State and are the subject of our consideration. The crisis of the state is a destructive state of the state mechanism, due to the improper functioning of which antagonistic contradictions in the society aggravate, conflicts are formed, which the state can overcome or solve without a positive transformation, which in turn can threaten the state sovereignty and territorial integrity, and eventually can lead to its destruction. The main signs of the state crisis are: – destructive effects on the State itself and society as a whole; – the exacerbation of numerous conflict situations in various areas of society; – the failure of quality public administration; – contradiction between the state and society, between the ruling elite and the people, between different segments of the population; – a real threat to State sovereignty and territorial integrity; – the rebirth, transformation or destruction of statehood. By temporal criterion, a state crisis can be divided into: short-term (acute), prolonged (long-term), permanent (chronic). By the scale of coverage of certain state institutions and spheres of state regulation it is necessary to determine: microcrisis, mesocrisis, macrocrisis, mega-crisis. By subjects of coverage, these are a crisis of the state mechanism, a crisis of the state apparatus, a crisis of individual state organisations, a crisis of state resources, a crisis of individual branches of power. According to the political aspects of coverage, the crisis of the state is divided into: crisis of ruling elites, crisis of opposition forces, which in its turn can be divided into: crisis of radical opposition; crisis of moderate opposition; crisis of legal opposition and crisis of illegal opposition. Such a feature as legitimacy of the state power gives grounds to speak about: crisis of a legitimate state and crisis of an illegitimate state. The question of legal justification of the state power, its compliance with legal norms, which is a sign of its legitimacy, gives the necessity to determine: crisis of the legal state and crisis of the illegal state. A significant indicator of the definition of crisis phenomena in a State is the degree to which they are predictable. According to such criterion it is possible to define: not an assumed crisis of the State, an assumed crisis of the State, a controlled crisis of the State. According to the expected consequences of a crisis phenomenon in the State, emphasis should be placed on a destructive crisis, a potential crisis and a transformational crisis. Special attention should be paid to the study of classification of the crisis of the state according to the social and economic formation: crisis of the slave state, crisis of the feudal state, crisis of the capitalist state, crisis of the socialist state. Conflicts in society and the formation of conflicts in the state may be connected with the pressing need to change the form of state governance: crisis of monarchies and crisis of republics. Depending on the form of the state (territorial) system, the crisis of simple (unitary) states and the crisis of complex states, primarily empires, can be distinguished. Classification of state crises where the criterion is this or that form of state political regime seems quite justified: the crisis of anti-democratic states, the crisis of democratic states. In the areas of dominant coverage (manifestation) of crisis phenomena: economic crisis, social crisis, political crisis, religious crisis of the state, information crisis of the state.

scholarly journals AUTHORITARIANISM IN THE CENTRAL ASIA (AS EXEMPLIFIED BY KAZAKHSTAN)

2013 ◽  
pp. 101-107
Author(s):  
V. V. Evseev
Keyword(s):  
Central Asia ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
System Development ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Economic Progress

In the article the problem of formation and transformation of an authoritarian style of governance in Central Asia has been considered. Its author claims that the executive, the legislative and the judicial branches of government are not really divided. The executive branch remains the force which determines the main development trends in society. Consequently, reforms in region have superficial nature. Among the main reasons of authoritarianism, established in Central Asia, the author emphasizes on the maintenance of tribal (clan) society structure, strengthening of conservatism and influence on the part of Islam, weak civil society institutions and the formation of local elite based on old party nomenclature. As it was established in the article, the political parties in Central Asia, as a rule, don`t have an ideological platform, and their formation is dominated by regional, clan and tribal interests. Their support from voters is determined by the attitude towards the party leader. As an example of Kazakhstan the author examines the major stages of its political system development for the last twenty years. It was suggested that an authoritarian setback took place amid the high politico-social tensions in 1993-1995. After, the process of authoritarian modernization began in the context of “large privatization”. As a result, polycentrism, when a clan became a prevailing form of elite grouping, was formed. In 1998-2004, the political system of Kazakhstan was built on basis of “managed democracy” model. An idea of improving system`s stability through strengthening of presidential power with simultaneous development of institutional elements of democracy forms its basis. A present stage of Kazakhstan’s political development is marked by that the authoritarian style of government amid the substantial economic progress and social stabilization has become to discourage the business and civic engagement activities. The situation demanded the liberalization of political life and the ruling elite had to make concessions.

The Brazilian State in the New Democracy

1998 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 63-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kurt Weyland
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Third Wave ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
Institutional Stability ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
New Democracy

How does a country's transition to democracy affect the state? This question is of great importance, given the crucial role that the state has played in the economic, social, and political development of most countries affected by the “third wave” of democratization. Yet this topic has received insufficient scholarly attention. Indeed, definitional assumptions may make this question appear a non-issue: because the state is regarded as more permanent than a political regime, which can change with disturbing frequency, democratic transitions are often assumed to leave the state unchanged. Latin America's “politicized states” (Chalmers, 1977; Power, 1991), however, lack institutional stability. Given the fluidity of state structures in the region, democratization may have a profound effect on the state. It may help institutionalize the state and make it more autonomous from established social forces, or, by contrast, it may further corrode the internal unity and undermine the strength of the state. Because the state has assumed an enormously wide range of responsibilities in Brazil, this country constitutes an especially good case for analysis.

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