scholarly journals Formation of anti-corruption legal consciousness of state and municipal officials of Russia

2019 ◽  
Vol 70 ◽  
pp. 11005
Author(s):  
Svetlana Kuzina ◽  
Inga Sagiryan ◽  
Gleb Fomin

The article is devoted to the state of public legal consciousness of society as a whole, and one of its strata – the governing elite, state and municipal officials, regarding issues related to corruption in Russia. On the way of movement of the Russian state to the civilized principles of construction of modern society there are a lot of difficulties, which should be overcome both by the state power, and the Russian citizens. Such problems are: stereotypical thinking, traditionally forming a neutral and tolerant attitude of Russians to the manifestations of corruption; lack of strict state control of corruption actions of the ruling elite; resistance of the ruling class to the spread of international requirements for the state to fight against corruption, and so on. Bringing Russian anti-corruption legislation into requirements of compliance with the rule of law is a slow-moving process, but the need to improve it has become an urgent need not only for the Russian Federation, but also for the Supreme power.

Author(s):  
Valery P. Leonov ◽  
Tamara M. Gudima ◽  
Tamara I. Vilegzhanina

The International research conference “Rumyantsev readings— 2009” held on April 21—23, 2009 in the Russian State Library was attended by over 290 people from various cities and regions of Russia and from the state-participants CIS. The theme of Conference of this year was “Historical and cultural traditions and innovative transformations of Russia. Educational responsibility of libraries”. In the proceeding publication of materials of the Conference are presented the following themes: “On studying the connection between printed and digital books”, “The cultural potential of modern society and the possibility of its realization”, “Public Library of Ukraine in the information space”


2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mazen Labban

A new species of capital has emerged from the development of inter-capitalist competition in the oil industry. Oil-producing states have fused with financial and productive/extractive capital, foreign and domestic, into hybrid state oil companies. These are centralized monopolies that transcend the historical geographical opposition between private transnational oil companies and national oil companies. As partially nationalized state monopolies, they allow oil-producing states access to global capital markets, while retaining the control of the state over the flow of foreign capital into the domestic oil industry. They thus mediate the contradiction between the integration of capital at the transnational level and its territorial fragmentation at the national scale, only to internalize it in the process. I examine this process in the case of the ongoing consolidation of the Russian oil industry under state control, focusing on two inter-related contradictions: an attempt by the Russian state to liberalize the oil industry, yet shield it against the expansion and control of foreign oil companies; and the dependence of the state on foreign financial capital in the very process of consolidating control over the oil industry.


2021 ◽  
pp. 33-61
Author(s):  
Galyna Zelenko ◽  

Crises of political development are inherent in countries transitioning from an authoritarian to a democratic regime. In contrast to political crises, crises of political development are inherent in transit societies. Usually they have much deeper and more fundamental reasons related to the quality of the authoritarian political regime, the nature of the transformational changes and are much longer lasting. Іn this article author analyzes the crises of political development that are manifested in Ukraine during the transformation of the political regime. The crises of political development include the crisis of identity, distribution, participation, penetration and legitimacy. The crisis of identity characterizes the disintegration of ideals and values that dominated in political culture of the previous period; the crisis of distribution lies in the inability of the ruling elite to ensure socially acceptable growth of material well-being and its distribution, which causes social stratification and is a constant source of socio-political conflicts; the crisis of penetration is conditioned in the reduced ability of public authorities to perform the functions inherent in the state, which complicates the implementation of reforms and governance; the crisis of participation is conditioned through the creation of artificial barriers by the ruling class for the inclusion in political life of groups claiming power or passivity of society, as a result of which unconventional forms of political participation begin to prevail; the crisis of legitimacy is conditioned in the low efficiency of the constitutional model of power organization and arises as a result of inconsistency of goals and values of the ruling regime with the ideas of the majority of citizens about the rules of just government. The combination of these crises creates a crisis syndrome of modernization and hinders the development of the state in general. In conclusions the author formulates the institutional tools which can reduce the negative effects of crises of political development. Key words: crisis of political development, crisis of identity, crisis of distribution, crisis of participation, crisis of penetration, crisis of legitimacy, financial-industrial groups, political institutionalization, political regime.


Author(s):  
Ziqiu Chen ◽  

After the establishment of constitutional monarchy in Russia as a result of the 1905–1906 reforms, the position of the Russian State Control (imperial audit service) changed. Formerly relatively independent, the State Control, whose head was directly accountable to the Emperor, now found itself in the united government, i.e. the Council of Ministers. The undermined independence of the State Control provoked a wide public discussion, which involved Duma deputies, employees of the State Control as well as competent Russian economists and financial experts, who made relevant recommendations calling for reducing the number of state institutions that were unaccountable to the audit service and giving the latter more independence. This paper analyses the key works of pre-revolutionary authors published in the early 20th century and devoted to the history of the State Control of the Russian Empire. Both in the imperial period and today, the Russian audit institution, in contrast with political, historical and military topics, has been of primary interest not to historians, but to economists, financiers and lawyers, since it requires special knowledge of the State Control’s technical mechanisms. Based on this, the author selected the following works that require thorough examination: How People’s Money Is Spent in Russia by I.Kh. Ozerov, On the Transformation of the State Control by Yu.V. Tansky, an official anniversary edition State Control. 1811–1911, and Essays on the Russian Budget Law. Part 1 by L.N. Yasnopolsky. The author of this article considers these works to be the highest quality studies on the Russian State Control at the beginning of the 20th century and their analysis to be of unquestionable importance for contemporary research into the history of the Russian audit institution.


2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-137
Author(s):  
Butrus Abu-Manneh

This article suggests dividing the Tanzimat period into two phases each run by a different elite. Phase one extended from 1839 to 1854 and phase two between 1855 and 1871 after which the Sublime Porte entered a few years of instability. The traditional ruling class left over from the period of Sultan Mahmud Ii controlled the state after him. Its major contribution was the promulgation of the Hatt-ı Şerif of Gülhane, the aim of which was to end absolute rule and restore justice in the government system. However failing to check the drift into the Crimean War this traditional ruling class lost power in favour of a new ruling elite whose members belonged to a lower-middle or lower classes, and who as such represented social mobility within Ottoman Turkish society.


Author(s):  
Himanshu Jha

This chapter draws upon the evidence presented in the book and provides four broad conceptual points. First, it argues that the institutional change is a result of an incremental, slow-moving process of ‘ideas’ emerging endogenously from within the state resulting in a ‘tipping point’. Second, it points towards the role of ideas within the state. Third, it shows the complementarity of the State and society and stresses on the significance of an epistemic network. Fourth, the influence of global norms is acknowledged but needs to be seen in conjunction with the endogenous socio-political processes at the domestic level. These arguments tie the chapters together conceptually and provide a roadmap for future research on the subject.


2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mert Bilgin

The way how Russia ignores the EU’s quest for liberalization and sustains a control over markets and supplies is directly related to her use of gas as leverage. Russia’s strategy affects many European and non-European countries during all stages: demand, supply and transit. It is not, however, possible to generalize a common statement that the EU’s position is based on a policy of market liberalization while Russia pursues an opposing strategy of increased state control. Russian energy strategy leads markets in Europe; sets tone for energy supplies at homeland and abroad, benefiting from a variety of means. This article shows how a symbiotic relationship between the Russian state and Russian energy companies emerge from a structure in which trade, markets and international politics have been embedded within the state interests and firm behavior. It identifies the economic and geopolitical trends with regard to recent developments of Russia’s strategy.


Communicology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 109-124
Author(s):  
EVGENY OKHOTSKIY ◽  
◽  
DAVID GRIGORYAN ◽  

The article attempts to answer the question of what is ‘nationalization of elitesэ in its modern scientific interpretation and practical functionality, and to present a normative definition of this concept. Examines the relationship of the Russian state towards the problem of nationalization of the elites in different historical conditions, is interpreted as a precondition for strength of the constitutional and legal foundations of the state, as a factor of political and professional-ethical success of public administration, justifies the historical significance of the national-based awareness of the ruling elite of the state interest and action in accordance with this interest. A prerequisite for success is strategic validity, strict compliance with the principles and norms of domestic and international law, and the prevailing moral postulates. The purpose and objectives of the research are to identify the essence, features and content of the concept of ‘nationalization of elites', to study the features of the process of such nationalization, to justify the objective validity of such a process and its practical necessity...


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 172
Author(s):  
Sutiyono Sutiyono

This article aimed at revealing the ruling class and the group being ruled in the society. The concern on the ruling party is to create obedience and to eliminate resistance from the ruled group. In this case, Gramsci presented the theory of hegemony by taking control on intellectually and morally leadership that can be accepted through consciousness process. In line with the explanation of hegemony, it seems that the Indonesia government, in the era of New Order (Orde Baru) from 1966 till 1998, was a powerful state with the highest authority control and became a determining force against the socio-political dynamics in the society. During Nee Order period, the state was truly capable of leading and dominating the field of power in various fields of development and statehood. One way to build hegemony is through institutions that determine the cognitive structure in the society, one of them was through the art of puppet. Consequently, puppeter (dalang) as one of intellectual figures in the society was controlled in order to socialize Golkar Party, as the political instrument. It can be concluded that the New Order government has successfully hegemoned the art of puppet.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (55) ◽  
pp. 195-224
Author(s):  
Anna Jach

The Forms of Influence of the Executive Organs on the Non-Governmental Organizations Defending Human Rights in Russia Between 1991 and 1999The basic means of influence of the organs of Russian state authority upon the functioning of non-governmental organizations defending human rights is legislative activity. It was with the help of this acitvity that a base was built from the very beginning, thanks to which many non-governmental organizations could be revived or born. From the point of view of the Russian authorities, non-governmental human rights organizations occupy a special place, which has been perceived for 15 years not as support for the ruling elite in the difficult way of shaping a modern state and a democratic society, but as a threat to the functioning status quo. One cannot therefore not get the impression that the regulations concerning the third sector are primarily aimed at hindering or even preventing the activities of non-governmental organizations defending human rights. However, before the vector turned in the policy towards the third sector, in the first period of 1991-1999 we had a positive attitude of the state towards the development of the social sector. The presented article is designed to bring closer the first period of interaction between the state authorities and non-governmental organizations defending human rights, resulting in activities aiming to “regulate” the legal situation of the third sector in the Russian Federation.


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