Two Concepts of State in the Tanzimat Period: the Hatt-ı Şerif of Gülhane and the Hatt-ı Hümayun

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-137
Author(s):  
Butrus Abu-Manneh
Keyword(s):  
Social Mobility ◽  
The State ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Crimean War ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
The Sublime ◽  
The Government ◽  
Two Phases ◽  
Turkish Society

This article suggests dividing the Tanzimat period into two phases each run by a different elite. Phase one extended from 1839 to 1854 and phase two between 1855 and 1871 after which the Sublime Porte entered a few years of instability. The traditional ruling class left over from the period of Sultan Mahmud Ii controlled the state after him. Its major contribution was the promulgation of the Hatt-ı Şerif of Gülhane, the aim of which was to end absolute rule and restore justice in the government system. However failing to check the drift into the Crimean War this traditional ruling class lost power in favour of a new ruling elite whose members belonged to a lower-middle or lower classes, and who as such represented social mobility within Ottoman Turkish society.

Combating corruption in Pakistan

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Feisal Khan
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Current State ◽  
British Colonial ◽  
The Government ◽  
Systemic Corruption ◽  
Institutional Capabilities

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to analyze the current state of corruption in Pakistan and evaluate attempts by the government to combat its entrenched corruption culture. Design/methodology/approach – The paper shows that Pakistan’s legacy of British colonial rule, its ethno-linguistic conflict and alternating civilian governments and military coups have weakened institutional capabilities, hindered capacity building and allowed systemic corruption to flourish there. Pakistan’s many anti-corruption efforts failed because they were used to attack political foes instead of strengthening institutional capabilities. Findings – Pakistan has maintained its highly authoritarian form of governance inherited from the British in 1947. The ruling elite view the state as a milch cow for their personal enrichment and this attitude is also reflected in the performance of its bureaucracy. Existing rules of conduct and administration are not enforced as citizens encounter corruption in their dealings with officials. At the policy level, key decisions are often made to benefit the decision makers. The paper concludes that without political will no significant improvement in the state of corruption in Pakistan is likely to occur. Originality/value – This paper will be useful for scholars, policy-makers and anti-corruption practitioners who are interested in corruption in Pakistan and whether the apparent institutionalization of parliamentary democracy has reduced corruption there.

scholarly journals AN INSTITUTIONAL APPROACH TO THE ANALYSIS OF KLEPTOCRATIC ECONOMY IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEANIZATION

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 203
Author(s):  
Robert Pustoviit ◽  
Oleg Kuklin ◽  
Mykhailo Kryvoruchko
Keyword(s):  
Property Rights ◽  
Transaction Costs ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Market Mechanism ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Methodological Basis ◽  
The Government ◽  
The One ◽  
Economic Formation

Relevance. Kleptocratic economy, as an institutional system, is oriented towards a key function that involves gaining wealth by the ruling elite through the introduction of non-market transaction costs for companies and households, which is based on administrative, bureaucratic, and political violence. For this purpose, the kleptocratic states create such systems of state institutional management that give the authorities the possibility of rent-oriented behaviour, which impedes the functioning of the real sector of the economy and encourages the shadow one. Under such circumstances, transaction costs are redirected to administrative intervention into the market mechanism, rather than aimed at increasing its efficiency; property rights are not clearly specified; the level of uncertainty about rules and norms of economic behaviour increases, and the motivational system of business activity is distorted. As a result, on the one hand, inefficient allocation of resources and slow economic growth (decline) are observed, and on the other hand, there is the redistribution of income in favour of the ruling elite and its excessive enrichment, that is detrimental to the welfare of the majority of the population. The aim of the article is to analyse the political-economic formation of a kleptocratic basis, which in the future transforms the state and its economy into kleptocratic formations; defining ways of counteraction and institutional capacity for transformations in the direction of Ukraine’s aspirations for European integration. Methodological basis. The methodological basis of the research is the work of domestic and foreign scientists in the field of institutionalism and kleptocratic economy. The models of the development of a kleptocratic state and the influence of kleptocratic factors on the socio-economic processes in the country have been studied with the application of the method of analysis, systematization, and generalization. Results. It is determined that in order to liquidate the grounds of kleptocratic economy, it is of primary necessity to eliminate institutional obstacles that interfere with the unification of the legal and shadow sectors of the economy and ensure their institutional formalization. This requires the introduction of effective ways of restraining the ruling elite in order to restrict corruption abuses of the government and its close reigning coalition with special privileges and bureaucracies and form an institutional structure, in which firms and households have clearly defined property rights and also have the possibility to protect contractual rights provided by formal institutes. Particular attention should be paid to the ways of civil society’s monitoring the state information policy and methods of adopting laws, which is, the institutional foundation that guarantees the openness of information as to the actions of government institutions. According to the results of the study, definite measures are proposed, the implementation of which will ensure the opportunities for Europeanization, particularly in Ukraine. The emphasis is placed on the fact that the important factors of counteracting the kleptocratic economy are the wage reform and the “transparent” selection of employees in the public administration sector on the basis of their professional qualities only.

scholarly journals Crises of political development in Ukraine: causes and content

2021 ◽  
pp. 33-61
Author(s):  
Galyna Zelenko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Stratification ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Low Efficiency

Crises of political development are inherent in countries transitioning from an authoritarian to a democratic regime. In contrast to political crises, crises of political development are inherent in transit societies. Usually they have much deeper and more fundamental reasons related to the quality of the authoritarian political regime, the nature of the transformational changes and are much longer lasting. Іn this article author analyzes the crises of political development that are manifested in Ukraine during the transformation of the political regime. The crises of political development include the crisis of identity, distribution, participation, penetration and legitimacy. The crisis of identity characterizes the disintegration of ideals and values that dominated in political culture of the previous period; the crisis of distribution lies in the inability of the ruling elite to ensure socially acceptable growth of material well-being and its distribution, which causes social stratification and is a constant source of socio-political conflicts; the crisis of penetration is conditioned in the reduced ability of public authorities to perform the functions inherent in the state, which complicates the implementation of reforms and governance; the crisis of participation is conditioned through the creation of artificial barriers by the ruling class for the inclusion in political life of groups claiming power or passivity of society, as a result of which unconventional forms of political participation begin to prevail; the crisis of legitimacy is conditioned in the low efficiency of the constitutional model of power organization and arises as a result of inconsistency of goals and values of the ruling regime with the ideas of the majority of citizens about the rules of just government. The combination of these crises creates a crisis syndrome of modernization and hinders the development of the state in general. In conclusions the author formulates the institutional tools which can reduce the negative effects of crises of political development. Key words: crisis of political development, crisis of identity, crisis of distribution, crisis of participation, crisis of penetration, crisis of legitimacy, financial-industrial groups, political institutionalization, political regime.

scholarly journals Formation of anti-corruption legal consciousness of state and municipal officials of Russia

2019 ◽  
Vol 70 ◽  
pp. 11005
Author(s):  
Svetlana Kuzina ◽  
Inga Sagiryan ◽  
Gleb Fomin
Keyword(s):  
Modern Society ◽  
The State ◽  
Legal Consciousness ◽  
State Control ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Russian State ◽  
Slow Moving ◽  
Control Of Corruption ◽  
Moving Process

The article is devoted to the state of public legal consciousness of society as a whole, and one of its strata – the governing elite, state and municipal officials, regarding issues related to corruption in Russia. On the way of movement of the Russian state to the civilized principles of construction of modern society there are a lot of difficulties, which should be overcome both by the state power, and the Russian citizens. Such problems are: stereotypical thinking, traditionally forming a neutral and tolerant attitude of Russians to the manifestations of corruption; lack of strict state control of corruption actions of the ruling elite; resistance of the ruling class to the spread of international requirements for the state to fight against corruption, and so on. Bringing Russian anti-corruption legislation into requirements of compliance with the rule of law is a slow-moving process, but the need to improve it has become an urgent need not only for the Russian Federation, but also for the Supreme power.

scholarly journals The Naga National Struggle, ‘Framework Agreement’ and the Peace Prospects

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Akhil Ranjan Dutta
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
Cultural Dynamics ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Framework Agreement ◽  
National Pride ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Development Paradigm

The signing of the ‘Framework Agreement’ between the Government of India (GOI) and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isaac-Muivah) on 3 August 2015 that pledges to restore ‘pride and prestige’ of the Nagas takes place after more than six-and-a-half-decades of violence and militarisation of the Naga society. The Agreement has been signed at a moment when the Naga society is marked by enormous fragmentation from within. While, the GOI through the creation of the state of Nagaland in 1963 and other initiatives created a local ruling class opposed to long-cherished Nagas’ demand for sovereignty; on the other hand, the tribes-centric proliferation of various insurgent outfits has created hostilities within the Naga society. The continuance of security apparatuses like Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA), 1958 and that of the top-down development paradigm has been in contrast to the social and cultural dynamics of the Naga society. The recent Accord, which has remained silent on those issues, however, has shifted the Naga national discourse from exclusive sovereignty of the Nagas in Nagaland to that of shared sovereignty of the Nagas within the Union of India. While, there have been celebrations of the Accord among the civil society forces in Nagaland spearheaded by Naga Hoho who for long have endeavoured to sustain ceasefires between GOI and the insurgent outfits in the state, there have, however, been serious reservations in regard to the efficacy of the Accord to restore peace, harmony and national pride among the Nagas.

scholarly journals Current Issues of Normo-designing of the Legal Status OF Human and Citizen in the Constitutional Law of Ukraine: to the Formation of the Procedure and Stage Paradigm

2020 ◽  
pp. 123-129
Author(s):  
Borys Kofman
Keyword(s):  
Constitutional Law ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
The State ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Qualitative Level ◽  
Historical Retrospect ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Relationship

Topical issues of the processes of forming the paradigm of procedural and stage support of norm-designing of legal status of aperson and a citizen in the constitutional law of Ukraine are investigated, and considerations regarding their normative-technologicaldecision, support and provision are given.It is stated that the search for optimal models of the relationship between the state and the individual has always been a difficultproblem, but at the heart of its positive solution is a high and qualitative level of standard-project activity in the sphere of normative(legislative) maintenance of the constitutional and legal status of a person (individual) and citizen. Analyzing the formation and development of such a constitutional-legal status in different states in historical retrospect, it isnecessary to pay close attention to its evolutionary-dynamic character – the amount of rights and freedoms that the state gave its citizensvaried precisely in the dependence and understanding of its chronological development, – optimal models were crucially dependent onthe nature of society, type of property, democracy, development of economy, culture and other objective conditions, but they were alsolargely determined by the government, the law, s, the ruling class, that is, subjective factors.In the process of finding models of the relationship of the state with the person (personality), the main difficulties were not onlythe establishment of such systems and order, in which the personality would be able to freely develop their potential (abilities, talent,intelligence), and national goals – the fact that unites all – would be acknowledged and respected, and the relevant technologically-formalizedaspects of the activities of authorized persons for normalization, normalization, formulation, formalization, legalization, implementationand guarantee of implementation of normative guidelines that contain constitutional rights, freedoms and responsibilities ofthe individual (individual) and citizen – they arise in the process of norm-making (law-making), an important part of which is the normprojectactivity in the sphere of formation and development of such constitutional-legal status.It is proved that in the process of defining the architectonics (structure) of the legal status of a person and a citizen, which is thecore of the normative expression of the basic principles of the relationship between the person and the state – in order to carry out normoprojectiveactivity in the field of expertise we face a number of difficulties of a definitive, methodological, ontological, ontologicaland a praxeological property that is directly relevant to the norm-design and find their solution in the process of such activity and itsresults, because the profile status is obtained from OE expression of the rights, freedoms and duties of man.

scholarly journals Partners in Crime: The Anti-intellectual Complicity between the State and the Universities in Turkey

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aslı Vatansever
Keyword(s):  
Labour Force ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Economic Vulnerability ◽  
Universal Values ◽  
The Government ◽  
Intellectual Production ◽  
False Accusations ◽  
Witch Hunt ◽  
Turkish Society

The ongoing witch-hunt in Turkish universities adds a political dimension to the economic precarization of the academic labour force, and should be seen as part of a wider, distinctly neo-liberal attempt on the part of the state to eradicate rational agency. By eliminating qualified oppositional cadres en masse on false accusations, the government implements a policy of systematic deinstitutionalization in the sphere of intellectual production. The erosion of critical subjectivity via deregulation and precarization has certainly been under way for a while now, albeit in different degrees and with diverse intensity. Yet in Turkey, it found an exceptionally fertile breeding ground due to some historical peculiarities of Turkish society, such as the state-oriented institutionalization process of academic structures and the pervasive anti-intellectualism.The current war against universities in Turkey is being fought (and apparently won) with the help of academia itself. The universal values of knowledge production are being trampled down by the very institutions that are supposed to be dedicated to the safeguarding of these values. University administrations team up with the state in suppressing opposition by exploiting the economic vulnerability of the academic labour force to silence, intimidate or directly punish critical voices within the universities. The actual significance of the Academics for Peace Petition, originally intended as an attempt to bring peace back to the agenda, lies perhaps rather in the fact that it has surprisingly unveiled this unholy correlation between local circumstances and the dynamics of neo-liberalism.

Russian Bureaucracy at the End of the Ancien Regime: The Imperial State Council, 1897-1915

Slavic Review ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 616-632
Author(s):  
Werner E. Mosse
Keyword(s):  
Ancien Regime ◽  
State Council ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
Crimean War ◽  
The Government ◽  
Ancien Régime ◽  
Imperial State

The Russian ancien régime presents a paradox. Like other anciens régimes, it exhibited many signs of decay. The government had been unsuccessful in its major military enterprises ever since the Crimean War, its diplomatic defeats ranging from the Congress of Berlin to the Bosnian annexation crisis of 1909. Failure abroad was accompanied by signs of weakness within. The crisis of 1879-82 had shown the strength of internal opposition. In 1905, ignominious defeat at the hands of Japan proved to be the prelude to a revolution that shook tsarism to its foundations and clearly displayed its structural weaknesses. The last two “Autocrats of All Russia” were men of mediocre talent. The tsarist court, especially under Nicholas II, was ridden with scandals typical of a declining, unsure, and, indeed, frightened regime. Meanwhile, Russia’s ruling class, the hereditary landed nobility, improvident and debt-ridden, its landholdings reduced from 73.1 million desiatins in 1877 to a mere 43.2 million by 1911, was in headlong decline.

Democracy and the Construction of Allogeny/Autochthony in Postcolonial Cameroon

2001 ◽  
Vol 29 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 37-42
Author(s):  
Nantang Jua
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
National Union ◽  
Political Pluralism ◽  
National Integration ◽  
The Government ◽  
Integration Project

Since independence Cameroon has been a hegemonic state, evidenced by the 1966 introduction of a single party, the Cameroon National Union (CNU), which was purportedly created to foster national integration. This focus on national integration led to a de-emphasis of all other issues such as fundamental human rights. And because a select elite assigned itself the task of imagining the form the nation would take, this process was naturally accompanied by a contraction of the political space. Because the national integration project had paid minimal dividends after more than two decades, Cameroonians refused to legitimize it. They had realized that it simply served as a ruse for the ruling class to convert the state into a patrimonial one. Hence, people sought to regain their voices and participation through the democratic process. Reluctantly, the state capitulated to demands for political pluralism, passing the so-called Liberal Laws of 1990. However, by allowing multiparty politics, the government ruptured the facade of cohesion of the ruling class, which resulted in elites becoming increasingly preoccupied with maintaining their power and losing interest in the national integration project.

scholarly journals Elite in social networks: new forms of feedback in the digital age

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
O. V. Kryshtanovskaya
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
New Technologies ◽  
Digital Age ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Sociological Research ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Government

The article presents the data of sociological research of the Russian political elite and its activity in social networks (using the example of the social network “Twitter”). The study was conducted by analyzing a database, containing information about the presence of accounts, subscriptions and the size of the audience, the content of published materials of representatives of the Russian establishment. The object of the study were the deputies of the State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of the VI convocation and of the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, senior officials of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation, members of the Government of the Russian Federation, heads of Subjects of Federation . The basic indicators of the analysis of online activity of elite have been revealed, it has been analyzed how their activity in social networks affects popularity and authority of the power. The analysis of the presence on Twitter of various groups of the ruling elite (representatives of both executive and legislative bodies of power and administration of the country), their activity, the content of published texts, has been made. The index of authority, reflecting popularity of each representative of establishment in circles of ruling elite has been constructed. The method has allowed us to identify not only leaders of public opinion in a network, but also to find the most influential persons in circles of the persons making the state decisions. A significant delay of the authorities in the use of new technologies to promote their policies has been revealed. The need to develop this sector of communication between the government and society in the digital age is obvious.

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