scholarly journals Malaysian Challenges

Author(s):  
William Tierney ◽  
M. Sirat

Malaysian tertiary education is a microcosm of the trends and challenges facing all of postsecondary education throughout the world. Privatization is increasing in the public sector. New providers have entered the Malaysian tertiary market. International rankings are a preoccupation of the government and research universities. The cost of education concerns parents, students, and the government. Whether the Ministry of Higher Education should continue to “steer from a distance” the nation's public postsecondary institutions or develop a more decentralized plan is being debated. How to stop the brain drain of talented Malaysian faculty, capitalize on the brain gain, serve the rising number of students who desire a postsecondary education, and provide jobs for an increasingly educated citizenry are issues being debated actively in the press and on the streets.

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-219
Author(s):  
Wenni Syafitri ◽  
Muhamad Sadar ◽  
Eddisyah Putra Pane

SMP IT Madani as one of the schools that apply the concept of islamic in its education practice. SMPIT Madani is a school formed by amil zakat self-supporting institution ummah Riau by using theconcept of free school. SMP IT stands in 2011 with a total of 20 students. Over time, the currentnumber of junior Madani IT students amounted to 75 students. The average students who attendjunior high school IT is the students who come from poor families.SMP IT Madani has received School Operational Assistance (BOS) a few years back. The BOSprogram uses a different approach than Special Assistance for Students (BKM) ie BOS funds are notgiven to poor students but are provided to schools and managed by schools. The mechanism forcalculating BOS funds is based on the number of students in each school. So the goal of this BOScan be achieved is to free the cost of education for poor students or not able and can alleviate forother students so they can get 9 years basic education services.The obligations of schools receiving BOS programs should report the realization of the use of theprogram to the government. Currently schools are having difficulties to make reporting realizationof BOS program to government and foundation. Differences in reporting formats to foundations andgovernments make the school experience serious problems. If it does not sync between reportingbetween the government and the foundation will cause many other questions and problems. Wheninterviewed, the school is very eager for this matter to be resolved immediately.Based on the problems of the partners, it can be concluded the solution of the problem is a reportinginformation system synchronized to the government and the foundation. So that SMP IT Madani nolonger experience obstacles to the reporting of BOS program activities. As a result the name ofUnilak increasingly fragrant in the eyes of society, especially SMP IT Madani.Method of implementation of activities used is direct observation to the location of partners toperform the first phase, this stage includes data collection and data processing. When this stage takesplace, we will get an overview of the Information Technology environment, and the partner's needfor the BOS program reporting mechanism. After the first phase is done, it will be held the secondphase of socialization, this stage to do the sosiasisasi about the benefits of synchronizing BOSreporting to the government and the foundation. Then in the third stage, the authors do the designand implementation of BOS reporting system based on information obtained from the foundation.Finally, the training phase: Each partner school sends its representative two people, to attend trainingon the use of reporting system that can synchronize BOS and foundation reporting.


1978 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pnina Lahav

Israel's press plays a distinctive role in the country's political structure. Comprised of 27 dailies and 135 magazines, some with distinctive partisan affiliation and others committed to political neutrality, it has wide circulation and enjoys considerable political influence.Israeli newspapers were not always as independent as they are today. During the struggle for liberation, the press placed itself at the disposal of theYishuv(Jewish community) leadership, to be used as a political tool for promoting the objectives of the Jewish population in Palestine. Only in the fifties, after the establishment of the sovereign state of Israel, did the press begin to develop consciousness of its distinct and autonomous role in the political process.Several institutions founded by the press itself have moulded it into a politically viable establishment: the Editors' Committee, the Press Council, the National Union of Journalists and the Union of the Daily Papers. The Editors' Committee is the most powerful and long standing of the four. Organised in 1948 by the chief editors of the Hebrew dailies, it functions as an intermediary between the Government and the public in matters concerning important policy decisions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 135 (575) ◽  
pp. 860-891
Author(s):  
Ian Cawood

Abstract While the problem of political corruption in mid-nineteenth century Britain has been much studied, the experience of corrupt behaviour in public bodies, both new and long established, is comparatively neglected. This article takes the example of one of the first inspectorates set up after the Great Reform Act, the Factory Office, to examine the extent of corrupt practices in the British civic state and the means whereby it was addressed. It examines the changing processes of appointment, discipline and promotion, the issues of remuneration and venality, and the relationships between inspectors, workers, factory owners, the government and the wider civil service, and the press and public opinion. The article argues that the changing attitudes of the inspectors, especially those of Leonard Horner, were indicative of a developing ‘public service ethos’ in both bureaucratic and cultural settings and that the work of such unsung administrators was one of the agencies through which corrupt behaviour in the civic structures of Victorian Britain was, with public support, challenged. The article concludes that the endogenous reform of bureaucratic practice achieved by the factory inspectorate may even be of equal significance as that which resulted from the celebrated Northcote–Trevelyan Report of 1854.


2004 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeff R J Richardson ◽  
Leonie Segal

The cost to government of the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS) is rising at over 10 percent per annum. The government subsidy to Private Health Insurance (PHI) is about $2.4 billion and rising. Despite this, the queues facing public patients ? which were the primary justification for the assistance to PHI ? do not appear to be shortening. Against this backdrop, we seek to evaluate recent policies. It is shown that the reason commonly given for the support of PHI ? the need to preserve the market share of private hospitals and relieve pressure upon public hospitals ? is based upon a factually incorrect analysis of the hospital sector in the last decade. It is similarly true that the ?problem? of rising pharmaceutical expenditures has been exaggerated. The common element in both sets of policies is that they result in cost shifting from the public to the private purse and have little to do with the quality or quantity of health services.


2013 ◽  
Vol 44 ◽  
pp. 88-107
Author(s):  
Markian Prokopovych

On 2 January 2012, a mass demonstration took place in Budapest in front of the Opera House. The rally was the culminating event in a series of street protests that had shaken Hungary during the previous months when many inhabitants of the Hungarian capital, along with their co-nationals elsewhere, felt increasingly uneasy with the symbolic politics initiated by the government of Viktor Orbán and his center-right FIDESZ Party. In particular, the crowd that collected in front of what is still Hungary's most representative institution of culture, on the main boulevard Andrássy út, protested against the inauguration of the new constitution that had come into force the previous day. Despite opposition inside and outside of Hungary, the ruling political elite comprising the prime minister and his political entourage celebrated the new constitution—and themselves—at a gala event in the opera house. A number of other celebratory events in connection with Hungary's new constitution were also staged, among them a controversial exhibition of paintings in the National Gallery, located to date in the Buda Palace, meant to highlight the most important events in recent Hungarian history. Inside the opera house, Orbán and his political supporters listened to a collection of works by, among others, Franz Liszt, Ferenc Erkel, and Béla Bartók, but the composition of the program was a matter of minor importance on that day. Instead, as he and his government representatives congratulated each other that night on their party's achievements in power, the crowd outside the opera house jeered in reference to Hungary's fall in international economic rankings and the methods of rule that they saw as authoritarian, if not dictatorial, and appealed to a wider international community, for example, with slogans such as, “Hey Europe, sorry about my Prime Minister.”


1993 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 140-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah Lupton

The Australian press played a vital part in bringing the events at Chelmsford Private Hospital to the attention of the general public, and in pressuring the New South Wales government to institute a Royal Commission into Deep Sleep Therapy. This paper describes the ways in which the press brought Chelmsford events onto the public agenda. It pays particular attention to aspects of the press coverage of the findings of the Royal Commission. The paper identifies the discourses concerning psychiatric care, the doctor-patient relationship and the role of the government in regulating the medical profession which were dominant in press accounts of Chelmsford. It is argued that while pre-existing stereotypes about mad psychiatrists and asylums were used to describe Chelmsford, more confronting ideas concerning the need for medical regulation and patient consumerism received press attention and therefore a public airing. The implications for psychiatric care in Australia are examined.


2010 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wilson Salgado Júnior ◽  
Karoline Calfa Pitanga ◽  
José Sebastião dos Santos ◽  
Ajith Kumar Sankarankutty ◽  
Orlando de Castro e Silva Jr ◽  
...  

PURPOSE: Analyze the effect of some measures on the costs of bariatric surgery, adopting as reference the remuneration of the procedure provided by the Unified Health System (SUS). METHODS: A retrospective evaluation conducted in the Costs Section of the University Hospital of Ribeirão Preto, of the costs involved in the perioperative period for patients submitted to bariatric surgery from 2004 to 2007. Changes in the routines and protocols of the service aiming at the reduction of these costs during the study period were also analyzed. RESULTS: Nine patients in 2004 and seven in 2007 submitted to conventional vertical banded "Roux-en-Y" gastric bypass were studied. All patients presented good postoperative evolution. The average cost with these patients was R$ 6,845.17 in 2004. Even though an effort was made to contain expenditures, the cost in 2007 was of R$ 7,525.64 because of the increase in the price of materials and medicines. The Government remuneration of the procedure in the two years was R$ 3,259.72. CONCLUSION: Despite the adoption of diverse measures to reduce the expenditures of bariatric surgery, in fact there was an increase in the costs, a fact supporting the necessity of permanent evaluation of the financing of public health.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 93 (5) ◽  
pp. 777-777
Author(s):  
J. F. L.

Cynics argue that the reason Bill and Hillary Clinton pistol-whipped the drug industry over vaccine prices just days before the State of the Union was to intimidate the rest of U.S. industry into silence oven the tax-laden economic proposal. And the reason cynicism like this is coming back into vogue is that the Clintons, as elsewhere, had so transparently demagogued the vaccine issue, leaving huge and obvious parts of the immunization problem unmentioned ... A more honest explanation of the problem at least would have mentioned both the famous liability suits that pushed up the cost of vaccines and the government bureaucracy's own failed efforts to immunize the poor. That brings us to the second widely known reason that so many children don't receive the proper immunizations: The bureaucracy can't figure out how to get the job done. Any child in any state can receive free vaccines at a public-health clinic paid for by state and federal money. So why don't more parents respond? One large reason is that the public system is very inconvenient. Before they will administer a vaccination, many public-health clinics require a physician's referral or a complete physical. They don't phone with a reminder that it's time again for the shots. And, like the department of motor vehicles, their hours often aren't convenient for working parents .... So yes, there's a problem, but clearly it's about something more complicated than just price. The President's answer is to spend $300 million to "improve outreach efforts" and hire more staff for the public clinics.


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