scholarly journals Armonización de calendarios en el mundo islámico primitivo como se refleja en Elementos de astronomía de al-Farghānī

2021 ◽  
pp. 203-217
Author(s):  
Razieh S. Mousavi ◽  
Jannis Niehoff Panagiotidis
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Ninth Century ◽  
The West ◽  
Detailed Report ◽  
Centralized Management ◽  
Lunar Calendar ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
Careful Exploration ◽  
Taxation System ◽  
Early Islamic

This paper seeks to shed more light on calendrical knowledge in the first centuries of the Islamic era in which different administrative traditions fell under the control of a central government. Astronomy as a court-sponsored discipline in the Abbasid dynasty (132-656 AH/750-1258 CE), undertook the pivotal task of identifying and mastering various calendrical disciplines under the reign of the caliphs to make a centralized management feasible. In the first two centuries, the domination of the Arabic lunar calendar, whose significance lies in governing the Islamic yearly festivals and occasions, led to drastic disagreements with the annual planting cycles that were followed by the farmers. Accordingly, the official taxation system faced serious problems. The solution to which was the development of a well-established solar calendar. The large concern of the ninth-century Muslim astronomers for calendrical computations, acknowledges their integral participation in this executive challenge. The present study follows these practices through the lens of a ninth-century Arabic astronomical text, written by Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Kathīr al-Farghānī (Alfraganus in the west), known mainly as the Elements of Astronomy. The careful exploration of this text helps us achieve a broader image of time-keeping accounts in the early Islamic era and the need for calendrical conversions. Moreover, the author’s detailed report of the five existing calendars of the time (Arabic, Syriac, Byzantine, Persian and Egyptian) and their systems of nomenclature, opens an early window to the linguistic investigation of time-reckoning in the Islamic world. Este artículo pretende arrojar luz sobre los conocimientos calendáricos en los primeros siglos de la era islámica, en los que diferentes tradiciones administrativas quedaban bajo el control de un gobierno central. La astronomía, como disciplina patrocinada por la corte en la dinastía abasí (132-656 /750-1258), emprendió la tarea fundamental de identificar y dominar varias disciplinas calendáricas bajo el reinado de los califas para hacer viable una gestión centralizada. En los dos primeros siglos, el dominio del calendario lunar árabe, cuya importancia radica en la regulación de las fiestas y ocasiones anuales islámicas, provocó drásticos desacuerdos con los ciclos anuales de siembra que seguían los agricultores. En consecuencia, el sistema fiscal oficial se enfrentó a graves problemas, cuya solución fue el desarrollo de un calendario solar bien establecido. La gran preocupación de los astrónomos musulmanes del siglo IX por los cómputos calendáricos reconoce su participación integral en este desafío ejecutivo. El presente estudio sigue estas prácticas a través de la atenta lectura de un texto astronómico árabe del siglo IX escrito por Ahmad b. Muhammad b. Kathīr al-Farghānī (Alfraganus en occidente), conocido principalmente como los Elementos de Astronomía. La cuidadosa exploración de este texto nos ayuda a conseguir una imagen más amplia de los relatos sobre el tiempo en la primera época islámica y la necesidad de las conversiones calendáricas. Además, el informe detallado del autor sobre los cinco calendarios existentes en la época (árabe, siríaco, bizantino, persa y egipcio) y sus sistemas de nomenclatura, abre una posibilidad para la investigación lingüística de la relojería en el mundo islámico.

Comparing The Principalship of Madrasah and Sekolah in The Decentralization Era

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 24-35
Author(s):  
Saefudin A Safi'i
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
School Leadership ◽  
Policy Development ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
Ground Level ◽  
New Order ◽  
The Public ◽  
Centralized Management ◽  
Decentralization Policy

The downfall of the New Order Regime in 1998 brought about significant change to Indonesia’s public sector.  Law number 22 of 1999, further refined by Law 32 of 2004, provide legal bases for district governments to administer the public sector. The central government also introduces the notion of good governance through the promulgation of various regulations. For Madrasah however, decentralization policy failed to provide clear legal bases as to how it relates to district government. Law 32 of 2004 verse 10 article 3 retains the centralized management by the Ministry of Religious Affairs. This however does not exclude Madrasah from public demand of implementing the principle of good governance. This study analyses the dynamics of principal-ship both in the Sekolah and the Madrasah in the era of decentralization. By comparing two research sites, this study sought to create better understanding about the context by which the organization climate of two different schools are shaped, and how principals and teachers perceives the notion of school leadership in the light of most recent policy development. To do this, interviews were undertaken and questionnaire-based data collection was also conducted. The study found that in the ground level implementation of decentralization policy, Sekolah developed more rigorous leadership compared to that in the Madrasah. This research recommends the adoption of stronger regulation regarding principal-ship of Madrasahs in order to create an environment that is more in tune with the spirit of public service reforms.

L'Eviction des Sēfuwa du Kānem et l'origine des Bulāla

1982 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 315-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dierk Lange
Keyword(s):  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Oral Traditions ◽  
The West ◽  
Lake Chad ◽  
Border States ◽  
Sedentary Population ◽  
The People ◽  
In The Beginning

The Sēfuwa dynasty seized power in Kānem around 1075, but it was only in the beginning of the thirteenth century that the rulers of Kānem were able to extend their authority over Bornū. Prior to this move small groups of Saharan speakers had already established themselves among the Chadic speakers of the Komadugu Yobe valley. Towards the end of the reign of Dūnama Dībalāmi (c. 1210–48) the court of the Sēfuwa itself was shifted to Bornū, mainly as a result of disturbances in Kānem. Indeed, according to oral traditions of the sixteenth century, the Tubu, in alliance with certain members of the Sēfuwa aristocracy, staged a major rebellion against the central government, apparently attempting to resist the strict application of Islamic principles of government by Dūnama Dībalāmi. Towards the end of the thirteenth century powerful rulers were again able to establish the authority of the Sēfuwa on firm grounds: in the east, even on the fringes of Kānem, they brought the situation under strict control and in the west they extended – or confirmed – the political influence of the Sēfuwa dynasty over the focal points of interregional trade which began to rise in Hausaland. Thus Bornū became the central province of the Sēfuwa Empire in spite of the fact that several kings continued to reside temporarily in the old capital of Djīmī situated in Kānem. This major shift of their territorial basis affected the position of the Sēfuwa in their original homelands. Written sources from the end of the fourteenth century show that the increasing involvement of the Sēfuwa in Bornū and its western border states must have changed their attitude towards the people living east of Lake Chad: after having acquired the character of an autochthonous (or national) dynasty of Kānem – in spite of their foreign origin – the Sēfuwa progressively became an alien power in this major Sudanic state, even though the people of Kānem and Bornū were closely related. Furthermore, the rise of a powerful kingdom in the area of Lake Fitrī under the rule of the Bulāla became a serious threat to the Sēfuwa in their original homelands as the warrior aristocracy of the Bulāla state – which must have been of Kanembu origin – remained closely connected with the sedentary population of Kānem. When finally during the reign of 'Umar b. Idrīs (c. 1382–7), the Sēfuwa were forced by the Bulāla to withdraw their forces from Kānem, this territorial loss did not affect the future development of the Empire to the extent that has formerly been supposed, since losses in the east were largely compensated by earlier gains in the west.

The NHS — is Scotland Different? a Case Study of the Management of Health Care in the Hospital Service in the West of Scotland 1947 – 1987

2000 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 155-158 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. McTavish
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Health Service ◽  
Private Practice ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Medical Professional ◽  
Hospital Service ◽  
The West ◽  
New Managerialism ◽  
Hospital Boards

Management of the health service in Scotland and England, has since its creation, shown both divergence and congruence. In the initial decades in Scotland the executive hospital boards (which contained strong medical professional membership) and central government had a clearer relationship than in England. The health service-civil service machinery in Scotland was without doubt more to the forefront with higher status in the Scottish ‘polity’ than was the case in England. The 1970s reforms also indicated difference: despite the pro managerialist tones of the Farquarson Lang report in Scotland, a managerial emphasis was more apparent in the English reforms. By the 1980s, the government's clear intention that their ‘radical’ agenda should apply in Scotland and England was implemented in many instances: aspects of the new managerialism were applied as vigorously in the case examined than anywhere in England: the attempt to draw clinicians into resource management (as advocated in the Griffiths report) appeared to have advanced further in Scotland until well into the 1990s. Yet in other aspects, Scotland diverged from parts of England in the implementation of the 1980's agenda most notably in the growth of private practice though the case indicated significant Scottish developments here too. The article concludes by speculating on some Scottish differences in the coming years.

GENDER AND THE POLITICS OF MUSIC IN THE EARLY ISLAMIC COURTS

2012 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 235-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Nielson
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Landscape ◽  
Ninth Century ◽  
Social Boundaries ◽  
Performance Expectations ◽  
Professional Musician ◽  
Legal Position ◽  
Musical Semiotics ◽  
And Performance ◽  
Early Islamic ◽  
Islamic Courts

Until the ninth century, the role of the professional musician in pre-Islamic Arabia and Mesopotamia was primarily fulfilled by women. Men were socially prohibited from working as musicians, though some transgressed gender and social boundaries by adopting feminine dress and playing ‘women's’ instruments. With the advent of Islam, patronage of qiyān (singing girls), mukhannathūn (effeminates) and later, male musicians, did not substantially change. During the early Abbasid era (750–950 ce), however, their collective visibility in court entertainments was among several factors leading to debates regarding the legal position of music in Islam. The arguments for and against took place in the realm of politics and interpretation of religious law yet the influence of traditional expectations for gendered musical performance that had existed on the cultural landscape for millennia also contributed to the formation of a musical semiotics used by both sides.In this article, I examine the representation of musicians in the early Islamic court in Baghdad from the perspective of select ninth-century Arabic texts. First, I begin with a summary of the gender roles and performance expectations for pre-Islamic court musicians and point to their continuation into the early Islamic courts. Then, I suggest how the figure of the musician became a key referent in the development of a musical semiotics used in medieval Islamic music discourse.

Assyrian sacred trees in the Brooklyn Museum

Iraq ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 56 ◽  
pp. 123-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pauline Albenda
Keyword(s):  
Present Author ◽  
Ninth Century ◽  
Palm Tree ◽  
The West ◽  
Individual Tree ◽  
Sacred Tree ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Individual Trees ◽  
Brooklyn Museum ◽  
Tree Type

The Brooklyn Museum houses twelve stone slabs with carved decoration from the Northwest Palace of Ashurnasirpal II. The motif of a stylized tree — the so-called Sacred Tree (see Figs. 1, 4, 6) — appears on seven of those slabs which come from rooms F, I, L, S, T of the ninth century palace at Nimrud. These tree renderings are representative of the sacred tree-type found in ten rooms of the royal residence and the west wing. Approximately 96 sacred trees, in two-register arrangement, appeared on the pictorial decorations in room I; the same motif occurred about 75 times in one-register arrangement on the reliefs of the other rooms. The abundance of the sacred tree motif on the wall decorations of the Northwest Palace attests to the significance of this plant. Its design deserves investigation; in Layard's words, “the tree, evidently a sacred symbol, is elaborately and tastefully formed.”In his study of the Ashurnasirpal II reliefs in American collections, Stearns did not attempt to list the sacred trees, because “variations in the sacred tree occur only in minor details,” and “the tree in itself is rarely useful in identifying the location of the reliefs.” These statements make clear Stearns' belief that the sacred trees were nearly alike. Other scholars, notably Weidner and Reade, have pointed out that on a number of slabs now in American and European museums are carvings of matching half trees, therefore indicating that when paired, these trees belonged to adjoining slabs originally. In trying to match half trees, one finds that individual sacred trees do differ in the rendering of specific details. Bleibtreu, in her analysis of the sacred tree-type, lists three variants of the flower found on the palmette-garland framing the individual tree on three sides. The present author, after examining the sacred trees carved on the slabs in The Brooklyn Museum, concludes that the design of the tree-type is more varied than heretofore presumed, and that its construction is more complex than indicated in previous descriptions of the subjects. An analysis of the Assyrian sacred tree-type may lead to possible conclusions regarding its intended image: a stylized palm tree, a cult object, an emblem of vegetation or “tree of life”, an imperial symbol, or a combination of those forms. In addition, one may consider to what extent the rendering of individual trees was the consequence of artistic inventiveness.

scholarly journals GOODS AND SERVICES TAX: A STUDY ON ROAD MAP FOR 2017

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (9) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Nidhi
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
State Governments ◽  
Local Council ◽  
The Road ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
Legislative Authority ◽  
Road Map ◽  
Challenges And Opportunities ◽  
History Of ◽  
Taxation System

The paper covers the scope of GST and the history of the taxation system in India. The word tax is derived from the Latin word ‘taxare’ meaning, to estimate. “A tax is not a voluntary payment or donation, but an enforced contribution, exacted pursuant to legislative authority" and is any contribution imposed by government whether under the name of toll, tribute, impost, duty, custom, excise, subsidy, aid, supply, or other name.” Taxes in India are levied by the Central Government and the State Governments. Some minor taxes are also levied by the local authorities such as Municipality or Local Council. The paper consists of the demerits of existing taxation system, challenges and opportunities of the GST and the latest amendments with the road map for 2017. With the help of this paper we get the overview of the current amendments and the future efforts to be made in the implementation of GST.

Demographic Burst, Population Ageing and Labor-saving Technologies: Interaction in the 21st Century

2016 ◽  
Vol 60 (5) ◽  
pp. 50-60
Author(s):  
A. Akimov
Keyword(s):  
Population Growth ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Social Situation ◽  
Population Ageing ◽  
Human Potential ◽  
High Tech ◽  
The West ◽  
High Level

The ageing of population in the coming decades is becoming a constraint on economic growth in developed economies and countries of Eastern Asia, but labor-saving technologies including robotics and artificial intelligence may remove this limitation. At the same time, population growth in South Asia and Africa will face lower demand for cheap and low-qualified labor. Pairs of scenarios (success and failure) are proposed for principal regions and countries. For the West, a positive scenario is “the West closes”, which foresees high level of the industrial application of robots and no labor immigration. A negative one – “The West dissolves”, which means high immigration, but no jobs for immigrants, and immigrants’ straddle for domination in social life. The “robo China” foresees high level of robotics in China, high productivity and governmental planning of labor market. The “two Chinas” contemplates an urban high-tech China and a rural China which is not integrated into technological modernization. Central government hardly keeps social situation stable in this case. For India, the “partial participation in robotized economy” is a positive choice making India an element of the new global economy. India develops in the same vein as the West and China. “Out of the new economy” leaves India in the group of developing nations. For Africa, a positive scenario is “rental economy”. Human potential of Africa is not in demand as labor-saving technologies dominate in the global economy, but natural resources attract foreign investors. They pay rent, and it is distributed by governments among inhabitants. “Population growth burden” is a negative variant that foresees high unemployment and lack of financial resources. International assistance is the only way out in this case. Russia is buying labor-saving technologies abroad. The structure of Russian economy now enables to remove limitations resulting from the population ageing, but technological import makes Russia highly vulnerable.

Ritual under Change: Mongolian Influences on Horse Races and Mountain Divinity Worship in Tibet

Inner Asia ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-373
Author(s):  
Elke Studer
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
The South ◽  
The West ◽  
Horse Race ◽  
Autonomous Region ◽  
South Eastern ◽  
The North ◽  
History Of

AbstractThe article outlines the Mongolian influences on the biggest horse race festival in Nagchu prefecture in the Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR).Since old times these horse races have been closely linked to the worship of the local mountain deity by the patrilineal nomadic clans of the South-Eastern Changthang, the North Tibetan plain. In the seventeenth century the West Mongol chieftain Güüshi Khan shaped the history of Tibet. To support his political claims, he enlarged the horse race festival's size and scale, and had his troops compete in the different horse race and archery competitions in Nagchu. Since then, the winners of the big race are celebrated side by side with the political achievements and claims of the central government in power.

The Cult of Relics in the Letters and ‘Dialogues’ of Pope Gregory the Great: A Lexicographical Study

Traditio ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 145-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. McCulloh
Keyword(s):  
Roman Empire ◽  
Middle Ages ◽  
Late Antiquity ◽  
Ninth Century ◽  
Fourth Century ◽  
Human Remains ◽  
The West ◽  
Early Middle Ages ◽  
Gregory The Great

Late antiquity and the early Middle Ages witnessed a change in the Christian attitude toward the remains of the saints. Holy bodies came to be treated less and less as normal corpses, worthy of special veneration but still subject to many of the laws and customs which had regulated the treatment of human remains in pagan Antiquity. They came rather to be viewed as cult objects which could be moved or even divided up according to the demands of religion with little regard for earlier prohibitions of these practices. This change occurred relatively early in the Greek, eastern portion of the Roman Empire. In the mid-fourth century the Caesar Gallus translated a saint's body from one tomb to another, and less than two centuries later Justinian asked Pope Hormisdas for portions of the bodies of the apostles. Despite some outstanding exceptions such as the translations performed by St. Ambrose, the Christians of the West were more conservative in these matters. Nevertheless, by the ninth century at the very latest, western Christians had followed the lead of the eastern church in both translating and dismembering holy bodies.

The armies of the Ṣaffārids

1968 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 534-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. E. Bosworth
Keyword(s):  
Ninth Century ◽  
The South ◽  
The West ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
North West ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Core ◽  
The North ◽  
Frontier Region ◽  
Short Time

It is not too much to describe the Ṣaffārids of S‚stān as an archetypal military dynasty. In the later years of the third/ninth century, their empire covered the greater part of the non-Arab eastern Islamic world. In the west, Ya'qūb. al-Laith's army was only halted at Dair al-'Āqūl, 50 miles from Baghdad; in the north, Ya'qūb and his brother 'Arm campaigned in the Caspian coastlands against the local 'Alids, and 'Amr made serious attempts to extend his power into Khwārazm and Transoxania; in the east, the two brothers pushed forward the frontiers of the Dār al-Islām into the pagan borderlands of what are now eastern Afghanistan and the North-West Frontier region of West Pakistan; and in the south, Ṣaffārid authority was acknowledged even across the persion Gulf in ‘Umān. This impressive achievement was the work of two soldiers of genius, Ya'qūub and 'Amr, and lasted for little more than a quarter of a century. It began to crumble when in 287/900 the Sāmānid Amīr Ismā'īl b. Aḥmad defeated arid captured ‘Amr b. al-Laith, and 11 years later, the core of the empire, Sīstān itself, was in Sāmānid hands. Yet such was the effect in Sīstān of the Ṣaffārid brothers’ achievement, and the stimulus to local pride and feeling which resulted from it, that the Ṣaffārids returned to power there in a very short time. For several more centuries they endured and survived successive waves of invaders of Sīstān—the Ghaznavids, the Seljūqs, the Mongols—and persisted down to the establishment of the Ṣafavid state in Persia.

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