Nations, nationality, and civil society in the work of Edward Shils

Author(s):  
Peter Mentzel

This chapter explores Shils’ original and highly nuanced treatment of the concepts of ‘nationality’, ‘nationalism’, and ‘civil society’. In particular, the chapter argues that Shils distinguishes between ‘nationality’ (which he seems to use as a synonym for ‘national self-consciousness’) and ‘nationalism’, which he identifies as an ideology. In this taxonomy, ‘nationality’ is a basic almost primordial force that provides the foundation for civil society and, ultimately, individual liberty. In this respect, nationality is a positive, or at the very least neutral, force. Shils portrays the ideology of nationalism, on the other hand, as highly dangerous. To put it simply, while regarding nationality as essential for civil society, Shils suggested that nationalism is in fact a danger to it. The chapter goes on to situate Shils’s theories of nations and nationalism with in the broader scholarly debate on these subjects. In the process, it examines Shils’s ideas concerning the relative antiquity of nations and the historical specifics about the origins of nationalism.

2015 ◽  
pp. 8-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miikka Pyykkönen

This article gives an analysis of Foucault’s studies of civil society and the various liberalist critiques of government. It follows from Foucault’s genealogical approach that “civil society” does not in itself possess any form of transcendental existence; its historical reality must be seen as the result of the productive nature of the power-knowledge-matrices. Foucault emphasizes that modern governmentality—and more specifically the procedures he names “the conduct of conduct”—is not exercised through coercive power and domination, but is dependent on the freedom and activeness of individuals and groups of society. Civil society is thus analyzed as fundamentally ambivalent: on the one hand civil society is a field where different kinds of technologies of governance meet the lives and wills of groups and individuals, but on the other hand it is a potential field of what Foucault called ‘counter-conduct’ – for both collective action and individual political action.


Author(s):  
Ilyassa Ardhi

This study analyzes the implementation of the Village Fund Program and the cause of the delay in absorption of the fund in 2015 in Pacitan District. The Village Fund Program as a central government program was implemented at the first time in 2015. The Civil Society and Village Empowerment Board (BPMPD) was investigated with regard to a sample of seven villages in Pacitan District. The research method is descriptive qualitative analysis, with data collected by conducting interviews and collecting documentation. The results reveal that the delay in absorption was caused by deficient regulations, which were subsequently revised in April 2015 to improve the implementation of the Village Fund Program. As a result, the Program implementation timeline is shifting from the initial plan. On the other hand, the BPMPD of Pacitan District faced difficulties in interpreting the regulations regarding the implementation of the Program from three line ministries.                         Abstrak Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis pelaksanaan Program Dana Desa dan mencari penyebab terjadinya keterlambatan penyerapan dana desa pada tahun 2015. Penelitian ini dilakukan di Kabupaten Pacitan. Penelitian dilakukan pada Badan Pemberdayaan Masyarakat dan Pemerintahan Desa (BPMPD) dan mengambil tujuh desa sebagai sampel. Metode analisis data dalam penelitian ini adalah kualitatif deskriptif, yang sumber datanya diperoleh dengan melaksanakan wawancara dan dari sumber dokumentasi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa keterlambatan penyerapan Dana Desa disebabkan oleh ketidaksempurnaan peraturan yang mendasari pelaksanaan Program Dana Desa. Akibatnya, pada bulan April 2015 dilakukan perubahan peraturan pelaksanaan Program Dana Desa yang berdampak pada bergesernya timeline pelaksanaan program tersebut. Di samping itu, BPMPD Kabupaten Pacitan menghadapi kendala dalam penginterpretasian peraturan terkait pelaksanaan Program Dana Desa dari tiga kementerian terkait.


Author(s):  
Gudrun Krämer

Pluralism and tolerance are considered constitutive elements of good governance, especially liberal democracy as it developed in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. For this reason they are widely debated among modern Muslims, including Islamists of various persuasions. This chapter focuses largely on modern debates. Pluralism and tolerance are clearly related and both cover a broad semantic field. They concern relations within the Muslim community, as well as between Muslims and non-Muslims, and are closely tied to understandings of freedom, liberty, and citizenship. However, there is a difference of emphasis between the two: Pluralism is discussed mostly with regard to the Muslim community, or umma, especially concerning the plurality of political views and interests and their institutionalization within civil society and a multiparty system. Discussions of tolerance, on the other hand, tend to focus on relations between Muslims and non-Muslims—more specifically Christians and Jews as the prime representatives of the People of the Book (ahl al-kitāb)—within a Muslim polity, or within an Islamic state.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-348
Author(s):  
Fathur Rahman

This paper discusses three major issues, namely how the image of the objective conditions of Islamic education, age and postmodernism as an intellectual thought movement that could be a challenge as well as how the strategic steps that should be taken to realize the civil society Muslims in Indonesia. Factually, renewal of Islamic education becomes an absolute necessity is manifested as a significant prerequisite in creating Muslim intelligent, energetic resources, committed against Islam and good manner. The other hand, it has become anticipation and protection against any negative thoughts brought postmodernism in various variants, for example: humanism, liberalism, asceticism (spirituality) and so on. The other side becomes a tool device as a prerequisite to realize an order of civil society in this millennium era. It shall be the duty and responsibility of moral, social, intellectual and great historical that should be fulfilled by the Muslims in general and for the upper middle class in particular


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
W Wahyudi

This article analyzes the phenomenon of socio-political “crime”, which occursand develops in the state life of Indonesia. The form of this phenomenon is socialnegativism; a concept of which views the different socio-cultural attributes apartfrom itself as negativity. The ideology of this concept resulted in personalitydeterioration through the trendsetting events with a background of ethnicity,religion, race, and inter-group relation on social media. This portrait of the socialworld is very much in contradiction with the character or identity of Indonesianswho uphold the values and norms of Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. Thepersonality deterioration politics aims at destroying the integrity of politicalcontestants, both generally and in particular, therefore, it can widen the road to itssuccess in gaining power supremacy. The emergence of personality deteriorationpolitics is due to the weakness of civil society in Indonesia. On one side, theIndonesian public still depends significantly on the state, and on the other hand,it does not have full freedom to avoid the nepotism as a common practice in thecountry. This weakness of Indonesian civil society has resulted in the inability ofmulticulturalism to develop in the country.The particular situation and condition have caused the more common practice ofsocial negativism and personal deterioration. These pathogenic social phenomena, bothmicro and macro, has become a serious threat towards the life of the nation, which aims atcreating prosperity and serenity for all its citizen.


Author(s):  
Chitra A. Dhawale ◽  
Kritika Dhawale ◽  
Rajesh Dubey

Artificial intelligence (AI) is going through its golden era. Most AI applications are indeed using machine learning, and it currently represents the most promising path to strong AI. On the other hand, deep learning, which is itself a kind of machine learning, is becoming more and more popular and successful at different use cases and is at the peak of developments by enabling more accurate forecasting and better planning for civil society, policymakers, and businesses. As a result, deep learning is becoming a leader in this domain. This chapter presents a brief review of ground-breaking advances in deep learning applications.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-72
Author(s):  
Grażyna Szymańska-Matusiewicz

In this essay, I analyze Vietnamese migrant associations in Poland, which have been routinely classified as “non-governmental organizations.” And yet, through their involvement in networks of relationships with a broad range of actors, including transnational connections with institutions back in Vietnam, they are in fact positioned in a liminal zone between the state and civil society. On the one hand, migrant associations are to a large extent entangled with the politics of the Vietnamese state through various channels, including the embassy, and through personal and institutional connections maintained with mass organizations such as the Fatherland Front and the Women’s Union. On the other hand, they are able to retain some degree of autonomy and pluralism, remaining active agents engaged with the fraught social and political activities of Vietnamese diasporics in Poland.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Sandi Rosadi

The correlation between civil society and democracy is a big discussion in academic world. Democracy that engenders a civic culture usually linked into a tolerant behavior in society. This study aims to understand how the participation of individuals in civil society, in this case is BPK (fire fighter community) in Banjarmasin, cause them to become more tolerance in a pluralistic society. In addition, this study also examines whether the involvement of member to BPK in Banjarmasin make them as an individual who is more attentive and tolerant towards different groups or vice versa. This study argues that there is a correlation between a personal membership in civil society with their augmentation in tolerance attitude. The case of fire fighter community in Banjarmasin shows an establishment of a brotherhood among its members. The attitude of ”sanak ikam” or your brother brings up the attitude of civic members' tolerance of all the differences that exist in other individuals in general and differences in members of BPK in particular. Furthermore, on personal level, a member's attitude towards tolerance can also be affected by the diversity of members in BPK who their affiliated. However, BPK has the possibility of being a place for political contestation. On one side BPK has been playing a role in fostering tolerance in Banjarmasin society, on the other hand, it is possible in the future become a double-edged knife that even destroys the tolerance that has been formed.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-98
Author(s):  
Mahmut Ulas Gozutok

Non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) play a key role for providing a platform for citizens to raise their discontents in democratic settings. NGO activities for encouraging democratic public engagement pose no threats against stability in consolidated democratic regimes with effectively functioning political parties. On the other hand, they can be acontentious issue in countries with shaky foundations of democracy. In fact, Huntington mainly champions in one of his most widely cited works by the civil society literature the idea that associations of social capital such as civil society can have detrimental repercussions on stability and order in infantile democratic regimes since political parties in such contexts are argued to be ill‐equipped to handle challenges brought bymodernization. On the other hand, primary elements of social capital (i.e.civil society) are acknowledged to be the prerequisites for effectivefunctioning of democracies.Keywords: NGOs, democracy, civil society, social capital


1962 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Nicholls

It would not, I think, be entirely misleading to suggest that doctrines of laissez faire and attacks upon reasoned state intervention in political and social life have tended to emanate from two extremes in social philosophy—ultra individualism and an extreme organicism. In the first case, and we may take Locke as an example, society is made up of a heap of individuals who came together to form the state for the limited purpose of the protection of property. Man is not seen as a part of a larger whole, influenced by the structure of that whole, but as an isolated individual; thus any state interference beyond the protection of property is viewed as a restriction of individual liberty. On the other hand are thinkers who regard society as such a complicated and delicate organism that they can only—and governments should only—sit back and gasp at the complexity of it all. Any attempt to improve one aspect will affect the balance of the whole in ways impossible to predict. It is difficult to point to a pure instance of this opinion, but this is the impression left with the reader after perusing such works as Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France, Hegel's Philosophy of Right, Bradley's Ethical Studies and the works of some more modern conservatives. All that governments can be expected to do is to prevent the worst collisions and any attempt to pursue a positive policy is doomed to failure.


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