Jewel in The Palace

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danny Orbach
Keyword(s):  
Political Order ◽  
Real Power ◽  
Prestigious Institution ◽  
The Government

This chapter discusses the rise of a new political order in Japan during the period 1868–1873. In order to legitimize their rule, the leaders of the interdomainal alliance chose to “hide” their power behind the prestigious institution of the emperor, without giving him real power. When the interdomainal alliance collapsed in autumn 1873, it left in its wake formidable waves of military insurgency. The chapter first describes the reign of the Japanese emperor, who was compared to a “jewel” held by the leaders of the government—well respected, but devoid of real power. It then considers the Meiji regime, which was established through a series of decisive reforms, as well as the rifts and rivalries of the interdomainal alliance, particularly between the Chōshū and Satsuma domains. Finally, it examines Japan's conflict with Korea and the collapse of the interdomainal alliance.

“We Shall Be Outspoken”: Student Political Activism in Post-Independence Ghana, c.1957–1966

2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-188
Author(s):  
Emmanuel Asiedu-Acquah
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Student Activism ◽  
Political Activism ◽  
University Student ◽  
Student Movement ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Other ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Kwame Nkrumah ◽  
The Government

This paper looks at student political activism in Ghana in the late 1950s and 1960s. Using Ghanaian and British archives, it examines how students of Ghana’s universities politically engaged with the government of Kwame Nkrumah and his ruling Convention People’s Party (CPP). Student activism manifested most in the conflict between the Nkrumah government, on one hand, and university authorities and students, on the other hand, over the purpose of higher education, university autonomy, and nationalism. The conflict coalesced around the idea of educated youth as model citizens. Contrary to the denial in existing literature, the paper argues that a nascent student movement and tradition of student political activism had emerged since the late 1950s. University student activism established itself as a fulcrum of the country’s evolving postcolonial political order and a bulwark against governmental authoritarianism. In the larger context of the global 1960s, Ghanaian student activism belonged to the wave of youth protests against governments that favored stability and opposed all dissent.

scholarly journals Merebaknya Intoleransi (Hate Speech dan Hate Crime) dalam Politik Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-99
Author(s):  
Munandzirul Amin
Keyword(s):  
Hate Crime ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Order ◽  
New Order ◽  
The People ◽  
Technical Issues ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

Democracy provides a place for us to learn to live with the enemy because only democracy allows tension and paradox, which comes from freedom, to occur in society. In contrast to the New Order era, we can now enjoy freedom of opinion and association. This freedom can in turn produce tension. The relationship between elements of society with one another, or the relationship between the state and elements of society, can be tense because of differences in interests in regulating social and political order. Meanwhile, Indonesian society witnessed the paradox which also originated from freedom. This, for example, is shown by the emergence of intolerant groups such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Even organizations such as HTI are of the view that democracy is not in accordance with the teachings of Islam in terms of sovereignty in the hands of the people, what should determine that is the preogrative right of Allah SWT. The government in the view of HTI only implements sharia and determines administrative technical issues.

Presidential Term Limits as a Credible-Commitment Mechanism

2019 ◽  
pp. 123-140
Author(s):  
Octavio Amorim Neto ◽  
Igor P. Acácio
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Term Limits ◽  
Conventional Wisdom ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Credible Commitment ◽  
Chief Executives ◽  
Regime Stability ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

Contra the conventional wisdom that term limits are meaningless in dictatorships, Brazil’s military regime developed term-limits for its chief executives and managed a durable political order. This chapter argue that term limits moderated intra-elite conflicts, thus contributing to regime stability. Term limits were key to reconcile two warring factions within the armed forces. The authors see term limits as a credible-commitment mechanism. Three elements are jointly sufficient to explain the adoption of term limits: (1) the armed forces’ decision in 1964 to part ways with the decades-old pattern of episodic, short political interventions and stay in office for the long haul; (2) a legalist tradition that led the new regime to keep a façade of constitutionalism through a myriad of political institutions; and (3) the ideological and political cleavages within the armed forces. We corroborate our arguments using a new dataset of tension events between the military and the government in 1946–85.

Guyana: Coercion and Control in Political Change

1982 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-354 ◽  
Author(s):  
Percy C. Hintzen ◽  
Ralph R. Premdas
Keyword(s):  
Political Order ◽  
Divided Societies ◽  
Communal Conflict ◽  
State Apparatus ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Government ◽  
Postcolonial States ◽  
And Control ◽  
State Protection

Many communally divided postcolonial states rely almost exclusively upon an effective machinery of control to ensure political order. This has stemmed from two factors: (1) unrestrained communal competition for votes; and (2) inheritance of a highly centralized state apparatus. The first condition has tended to politicize sectional cleavages, exacerbating distrust (Premdas, 1972: 19-20). Without a body of shared values in the state, protection of a communal group's interest is perceived to reside on the capture of the government. The second condition under such circumstances facilitates “effective domination of one group over another” (Smooha, 1980: 257). Apart from a consociational arrangement, democracy in deeply divided societies is elusive, rendering authoritarian control seemingly necessary to prevent protracted communal conflict and political disintegration (Lijphart, 1969: 207; Milne, 1975: 413; Norlinger, 1972). As a legitimator of domination, stability is a controversial value, especially in the face of cynical and brutal abuses of human rights.

Local Government, Decentralisation, Devolution, and Service Delivery in Zimbabwe

2021 ◽  
pp. 1597-1611
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Housing Policy ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Development Education ◽  
Real Power ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Government ◽  
Detailed Work

Zimbabwe is one of only a handful of countries in sub-Saharan Africa that have taken part in the wave of decentralisation and devolution. The process differs from the efforts of the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s in that this time the government of Zimbabwe seems ready to cede real power to the lower levels. It is also taking place alongside broad economic and political reforms. Devolution of power is enshrined in Zimbabwe's 2013 Constitution as one of the country's founding values and principles. However, as was the case with in the 2000s, it is sometimes easy to romanticise about the benefits of devolution, thus, fail to take into account the detailed work required before it benefits people at the local level. The devolved administrations exercise considerable autonomy when it comes to tackling poverty: for instance, major areas of economic development, education, health, and housing policy are the responsibility of the devolved institutions. Moreover, the devolved bodies have complete autonomy over how they allocate their budgets.

scholarly journals The Zemsky Sobor of 1613: Elections Without Choice or Choice Without Elections?

2019 ◽  
pp. 137-146
Author(s):  
Dmitry Liseitsev
Keyword(s):  
Decisive Role ◽  
Document Analysis ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Real Power ◽  
The Real ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The Government ◽  
Time Of Troubles ◽  
Full Force

Introduction. There is a significant amount of research devoted to the Zemsky Sobor of 1613, but even nowadays historians cannot agree on this event. There is a dominating concept in historiography whose supporters consider the election to the throne of Mikhail Romanov as the result of the national consensus and unity and also regard this as the end of the Time of Troubles. Meanwhile, a great number of sources indicate the decisive role of Cossacks in the enthronement process of the new dynasty founder. Possessing a numerical superiority over the supporters of the Zemsky Sobor, which did not act in full force, Cossacks achieved the proclamation of Mikhail Romanov as a Tsar. Methods and materials. Solving this contradiction in the conclusions of researchers is possible only with the widest involvement of historical sources. First of all, the documents of the last weeks and days of “mezhdutsarstvie” should be analyzed. The attempts to follow ideologically conditioned concepts cannot bring satisfactory results in the solution of scientific problems. Analysis. Document analysis of the late 1612 and the early1613 leads to the conclusion that after the liberation of Moscow, the real power in the capital was in the hands of “duumvirate” – the leaders of the militia of Pr. D.T. Trubetskoy and Pr. D.M. Pozharsky. They did not lose their influence even when many orders were officially proclaimed on behalf of the Zemsky Sobor. At the same time, Pr. Trubetskoy seriously planned to take the throne with the help of Cossacks. The unexpected intervention of Cossacks in the support of Mikhail Romanov broke Trubetskoy’s plans. Nevertheless, the “duumvirs” tried to ignore the acclamation that took place on February 21, 1613 for several days. Results. Only under the pressure of the armed Cossack mass, the government had to swear allegiance to Mikhail Romanov and begin notifying provinces on the election of a new sovereign. Despite this fact, the leaders of the people’s militia retained the influence in the capital until the arrival of Tsar Mikhail to Moscow. Thus, preserved sources allow to significantly clarify the course of political events in Moscow in the first months of 1613.

scholarly journals Sociopolitical order and chaos in the classical and nonclassical philosophical paradigms: historiosophical analysis

2021 ◽  
pp. 54-64
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Nikolaevich Sulimin
Keyword(s):  
Political Order ◽  
Scientific Article ◽  
Philosophical Approach ◽  
Philosophical Thought ◽  
Modern Age ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government

The subject of this research is the study of conceptualization of the phenomena of sociopolitical order and chaos in representations of the classical and nonclassical philosophy. In modern age, socio-philosophical thought viewed political order as the essence of government, which structures the society from top to bottom, eliminating all manifestations of internal chaos that emerge from the social subsystem. The author believes that within the framework of classical and nonclassical science, order and chaos as the essential phenomena were neither opposed to each other nor determined by each other. The study of society is based on the methods of exact sciences, which view the government apparatus as a machine mechanism built in accordance with certain procedures and norms. This scientific article relies on the historical-philosophical approach, which allows tracing the evolution of such socio-philosophical doctrines as rationalism, positivism, and post-positivism. Special attention is given to the systemic and synergetic approach. The goal of this research lies in examination of peculiarities of the evolution of socio-philosophical representations on sociopolitical order and chaos in the methodology of classical and nonclassical philosophy. The main results of the conducted research consists in following the development of representations on sociopolitical order and chaos from the linear-evolutionary paradigm towards the nonlinear paradigm. The conclusion is made on the need to explore the sociopolitical order and chaos in dialectical interrelation from the perspective of synergetic methodology.

Political Conflict and Power Sharing in the Origins of Modern Colombia

2009 ◽  
Vol 89 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastián Mazzuca ◽  
James A. Robinson
Keyword(s):  
Political Conflict ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Institutional Power ◽  
Long Period ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
The Government

Abstract After a long period of chaos, political order in Colombia emerged in the mid-1900s. This transition was driven by a change in the institutional allocation of political power. After the Thousand Days’ War, Colombia’s two parties agreed to share power by means of a new set of electoral rules. The incomplete vote, the cornerstone of the new electoral rules, was a strategic concession by the Conservative government to the Liberal opposition. In exchange for permanent representation in the legislatures, Liberals abandoned military insurrection as a political strategy. Transition to proportional representation was completed in 1929 with the introduction of the quotient rule. The quotient rule was also a concession from the government. However, it was not driven by Liberalism’s potential military power but by the institutional power that Liberalism had accumulated since the first concession.

Brazil's Bolsonaro may see governability erode quickly

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Future Prospects ◽  
Economic Crises ◽  
Medium Term ◽  
Social Unrest ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Government ◽  
Trade Deals ◽  
Brazilian Politics

Significance Bolsonaro, a retired army captain, had 55.1% of valid votes against 44.9% for Fernando Haddad of the centre-left Worker’s Party (PT). His electoral triumph is a watershed moment in Brazilian politics: it not only puts an end to four consecutive PT victories, but also consolidates the fragmenting of the established political order after long, intertwined political and economic crises. Impacts Bolsonaro will surround himself with military aides. Risks to democracy seem moderate at present, but could escalate quickly in negative scenarios. Uncertainty will rise if the economy fails to gain steam in the short-to-medium term, leading to increased social unrest. Risks could arise if Bolsonaro’s relationship with Congress deteriorates to the point in which his ability to govern is seriously affected. Mercosur's future prospects as a bloc may be in doubt if the government focuses on bilateral trade deals.

Village Leaders, Dual Brokerage and Political Order in Rural China

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Xi Chen ◽  
Jingping Liu
Keyword(s):  
Rural China ◽  
Ethnographic Study ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Rural Politics ◽  
Hunan Province ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Government ◽  
State Force ◽  
Changing Role

Abstract Drawing on an ethnographic study in two counties in Hunan province, this article explores how political brokerage has contributed to political order in China by facilitating contentious and non-contentious bargaining between the government and ordinary people. To account for the changing role of village leaders in rural politics, the article develops a concept of dual brokerage. This concept not only recognizes formal and informal linkages between village leaders and the two principals – the government and the community of villagers – but also underscores the interactivity between the linkages. We contend that despite the tensions between village leaders’ roles as state agents and as village representatives, these two roles in the reform era tend to be mutually beneficial. Under such an institutional configuration, village leaders in China in the reform era have strong incentives to act as dual agents and can make policy implementation more flexible and the use of state force more moderate. A comparison between the trilateral interactions before and after the tax reform in 2005 confirms that whether village leaders can effectively act as dual agents has a significant impact on the quality of rural governance in China.

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