special privilege
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2021 ◽  
pp. 109-134
Author(s):  
Izabella Malej

According to depth psychology, whose pioneer is C.G. Jung, inflation is an emotional state, most often triggered by a dream, manifested by an increase in sexual urge, a feeling of higher energy, power and fascination. Ego inflation can have a dual effect on the individual who experiences it: positive, which is associated with the possibility of establishing contact with archetypes as elements of the collective unconscious, and negative, leading to a sense of possession. In both cases, which often occur together, the key to understanding this unique state of psychic energy is contact with symbols, previously latent in the psychic genotype. In the creative process, as well as in crucial moments of life, the ego acquires the special privilege of insight into the unrecognised realms of the unconscious, which leads to a kind of emotional explosion, a feeling of ecstasy. The ego of the creator, stunned by new possibilities and filled with psychic energy, undergoes excessive growth, “swelling”. Carl Jung calls this state being possessed by the unconscious complex. In the case of Alexander Blok, one can speak of being possessed by the archetype of the Eternal Feminine – Anima, which is proven in the cycle Verses About the Beautiful Lady (1901–1902). The symbol of the Beautiful Lady unites within its archetypal structure various kinds of psychological oppositions (consciousness and unconsciousness, inner woman and inner man, ecstasy and fear). The Beautiful Lady as the numinous element of the poet’s psychic structure acquires the status of an energetic dominant or the centre of the unconscious.


Author(s):  
Andrei Perciun ◽  

This article is particularly relevant in the context of the implementation of remote work regime and online studies. The fact that you can be at work or in the classroom in a domestic context is a special privilege. However, we cannot overlook some of the shortcomings of this type of experience. In the case of teaching, we must not interpret knowledge as a sum of data that needs to be delivered to the recipient. Currently, the problem of information interference has almost disappeared. Knowledge is more than a sum of data. The social context and human interaction reveal the meaningful dimension of knowledge, and once the meaning is grasped - and in the case of the learning process the student - will be able to understand the purpose and applicability of knowledge. The vivacity of the layer of meanings is maintained due to the interaction between people. The requirement to maintain effective communication in the distance learning regime is a real challenge, first of all, for the teacher. In these circumstances the teacher risks becoming a data provider.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (9) ◽  
pp. e0256880
Author(s):  
Marian Olinski ◽  
Piotr Szamrowski

The beginning of the 21st century brought a change in the approach to public relations (PR). Both the literature and the practice saw a shift in focus from evaluating the efficiency of communication strategies to relationship management. On the other hand, the growing interest in the use of social media in the management of many types of organizations has prompted researchers to seek the theoretical causes of this trend. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to examine the scope of the Polish public benefit organizations’ (PBO) use of the social network Facebook in managing relationships with stakeholders. The PBO is a specific form of non-profit organization, which enjoys the special privilege of collecting tax-deductible donations of 1% of personal income tax (PIT). The research covered 876 entities, which were divided into four clusters depending on their size. A database of posts was created that the organizations published in the period selected for the research. Then, the impact of the Facebook content on user engagement was analyzed. For this purpose, various statistical methods were used, i.e. descriptive statistics, statistical tests and multiple regression analysis. The results indicate that, in spite of social media’s unquestionable advantages, public benefit organizations only take advantage of a small proportion of this potential. The role of the most popular service, Facebook, in increasing organizational revenue from 1% of PIT deductions seems secondary at best. Apart from that, the results showed that the rates of posting by different Polish public benefit organizations vary widely. Although some organizations were very active in this aspect, the Facebook pages of many organizations remained completely inactive throughout the analysis or showed only minimal activity. Larger organizations exhibited a much greater posting activity than their smaller counterparts.


NATAPRAJA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 83-93
Author(s):  
Kristian Widya Wicaksono

In France, to reach a good career as the high-rank of government officials, people must join the Ecole National d’Administration (ENA). This situation put the ENA graduates (enarques) in the strategic position as the administrative elite but this special privilege gives the word egalité within higher education a hollow sound. This paper wants to know the impact of Ernarques on the merit system recruitments of high-rank civil servants. The method used in this paper writing is a systematic literature review. The results of this study show that it is not compulsory to dissolve ENA but we should treat ENA as an ordinary school for Public Administrator. Then, it is important to create another university that has the same concentration and access as ENA to procreate a fair competition. Finally,  we must invite diverse graduates to join the high-rank position to encourage innovation and competitive nuance in the public organization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-332
Author(s):  
Françoise Dastur

Abstract Retracing the way I have followed since the beginning of my philosophical studies, I focus on the main issues that have guided my teaching and research: Time, Death, and Nothingness, all of which take place in the domain of what I have called “negative philosophy”. My first interest was in the problem of language and logic in their relation to temporality, a special privilege being granted in this respect to poetry; subsequently I concentrated my work on the thematic of death and finitude, in order to show that mourning and relation to absence are what establish a fundamental difference between the human being and the animal; and finally, the critique of Western ontology has brought me to concentrate my research on Eastern thinking, with a special engagement with the thematic of nothingness in Indian and Japanese Buddhism. All my work in philosophy has been guided by Heidegger’s question of the relation between Being and Time.


2020 ◽  
Vol 97 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-137
Author(s):  
Robin Jeshion

The reclamation of slurs raises a host of important questions. Some are linguistic: What are the linguistic conventions governing the slur post-reclamation and how are they related to the conventions governing it pre-reclamation? What mechanisms engender the shift? Others bend toward the social: Why do a slur’s targets have a special privilege in initiating its reclamation? Is there a systematic explanation why prohibitions on out-group use of reclaimed slurs vary from slur to slur? And how does reclamation contribute to shaping social identities and reversing oppressive social norms and stigma? Most analyses of slur reclamation advance a single model to answer these questions. The author argues that there are different varieties of reclamation. Two predominate, what she calls pride reclamation and insular reclamation. While many features unite pride and insular reclamation, they differ with respect to the purpose of the reclamatory act, the linguistic mechanisms reclaimers employ to execute the linguistic change, and the social and grammatical roles of the reclaimed slur. By distinguishing these two types of reclamation and offering a fine-grained characterization of their properties, the author argues that we gain deeper insight into the reasons why slurs may in principle only be ignited by the target group and why pride- but not insular-reclaimed slurs become available for use by out-group members.


Author(s):  
Charles R. Beitz

The philosophy of international relations – or more precisely its political philosophy – embraces problems about morality in diplomacy and war, the justice of international practices and institutions bearing on economic welfare and the global environment, human rights, and the relationship between sectional loyalties such as patriotism and global moral commitments. Not everyone believes that such a subject can exist, or rather, that it can have significant ethical content. According to political realism – a widely-held view among Anglo-American students of international relations – moral considerations have no place in decisions about foreign affairs and international behaviour. The most extreme varieties of realism deny that moral judgment can have meaning or force in international affairs; more moderate versions acknowledge the meaningfulness of such judgments but hold either that leaders have no responsibility to attend to the morality of their actions in foreign affairs (because their overriding responsibility is to advance the interests of their constituents), or that the direct pursuit of moral goals in international relations is likely to be self-defeating. Leaving aside the more sceptical kinds of political realism, the most influential orientations to substantive international morality can be arrayed on a continuum. Distinctions are made on the basis of the degree of privilege, if any, extended to the citizens of a state to act on their own behalf at the potential expense of the liberty and wellbeing of persons elsewhere. ‘The morality of states’, at one extreme, holds that states have rights of autonomy analogous to those of individuals within domestic society, which secure them against external interference in their internal affairs and guarantee their ownership and control of the natural and human resources within their borders. At the other end of the continuum, one finds cosmopolitan views which deny that states enjoy any special privilege; these views hold that individuals rather than states are the ultimate subjects of morality, and that value judgments concerning international conduct should take equally seriously the wellbeing of each person potentially affected by a decision, whether compatriot or foreigner. Cosmopolitan views may acknowledge that states (and similar entities) have morally significant features, but analysis of the significance of these features must connect them with considerations of individual wellbeing. Intermediate views are possible; for example, a conception of the privileged character of the state can be combined with a conception of the international realm as weakly normative (that is, governed by principles which demand that states adhere to minimum conditions of peaceful coexistence). The theoretical difference between the morality of states and a fully cosmopolitan morality is reflected in practical differences about the justifiability of intervention in the internal affairs of other states, the basis and content of human rights, and the extent, if any, of our obligations as individuals and as citizens of states to help redress the welfare effects of international inequalities.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (13) ◽  
pp. 1803-1821 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kin-Man Chan ◽  
Weijun Lai

This article discusses the development of philanthropic foundations in China. In the early stage of development from 1980s to 2003, most Chinese foundations were established by the government. They were given a special privilege to raise funds from the public but their projects were usually carried out through an “encapsulated system,” that is, within the administrative networks of the government agencies. The 2004 reform in the regulation of foundations allowed space for nongovernmental foundations to emerge, particularly those founded by corporations or individual elites. The Chinese government expected most of them to rely on their own funds and did not grant them right to conduct public fundraising. Some of these foundations later became “policy entrepreneurs” striving for equal right in fundraising and making grants to nongovernmental organizations. Regardless of these changes, the Chinese state still possesses eminent regulatory power and informal political influences in the sector. The foundation regime has changed from a statist to a corporatist model but is unlikely to move further to a liberal one.


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