Does Institutionalising Reasonable Accommodation Increase Conscientious Objections of Medical Professionals?

"In January 2020, the Council of Europe has rejected a resolution that recommends reasonable accommodation of employee’s religious practices in the workplace. The concept of reasonable accommodation emerged in the United States and in Canada to allow some flexibility in the application of laws to achieve substantial equality for all, as uniform application of seemingly neutral laws can cause disadvantages to ethnic or religious minorities, and people with disability. However, reasonable accommodation of religious practices in the workplace such as hospitals is often criticised in two ways; first, it makes it easier for the doctors to register a conscientious objection against providing abortion or reproductive treatment and thus harms women’s reproductive rights. Second, in the same manner, medical professionals may use reasonable accommodation as an excuse to refrain from providing certain medical care to sexual minorities. The purpose of this paper is to indicate that such secularist criticisms of reasonable accommodation are implausible. To show this, this paper first reviews the idea of reasonable accommodation in North America and Europe. Then, the reasonable accommodation debate occurred in Québec, Canada and the report by Bouchard-Taylor Commission (2007-2008) are examined in light of theories of deliberative democracy to illustrate the asymmetry of power between the majority and the minority groups in the negotiation process. Lastly, this paper argues that reasonable accommodation as a means to negotiate the demands for accommodation of religious practices is limited. Thus it is unlikely to undermine the fundamental liberal values of the majority. "

LA PROTECCIÓN DE LAS PAREJAS HOMOSEXUALES FRENTE A LA DISCRIMINACIÓN EN LA EVOLUCIÓN DE LA JURISPRUDENCIA DEL TRIBUNAL EUROPEO: PASADO, PRESENTE Y UNAS PREVISIONES PARA EL FUTURO

El artículo pretende presentar, en ocasión del sesenta aniversario de la puesta en marcha del TEDH, un atento estudio de la jurisprudencia del Tribunal de Estrasburgo en materia de protección de las personas y de las parejas homosexuales frente a la discriminación por orientación sexual, proporcionando algunas consideraciones críticas sobre la aplicación del art. 14 CEDH en este ámbito y sobre los posibles escenarios futuros. El propósito de la investigación es comprobar las efectivas aportaciones del TEDH en la configuración de un espacio europeo de protección de los derechos y, en particular, si, después de varias décadas, el Consejo de Europa ha realmente creado las bases para una concreta y sustancial igualdad entre personas y parejas heterosexuales y homosexuales. The aim of the article is to present, on the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the ECtHR, an attentive study of the jurisprudence of the Court of Strasbourg on the protection of homosexual persons and couples against discrimination based on sexual orientation, providing some critical considerations on the application of art. 14 ECHR in this area and on possible future scenarios. The purpose of the research is to verify the effective contributions of the ECtHR in shaping a European area of protection of rights and, in particular, if, after several decades, the Council of Europe has really created the basis for a concrete and substantial equality between heterosexual and homosexual persons and couples.

Negotiating a Settlement in Northern Ireland, 1969-2019

The Good Friday Agreement of 1998 ended a protracted violent conflict in Northern Ireland and became an international reference point for peace-building. Negotiating a Settlement In Northern Ireland, 1969–2019 traces the roots and outworkings of the Agreement, focussing on the British and Irish governments, their changing policy paradigms and their extended negotiations from the Sunningdale conference of 1973 to the St Andrews Agreement of 2006. It identifies three dimensions of change that paved the way for agreement: in elite understandings of sovereignty, in development of wide-ranging and complex modes of power-sharing, and in the interrelated emergence of substantial equality in the socio-economic, cultural, and political domains. The book combines wide-ranging analysis with unparalleled use of witness seminars and interviews where the most senior British and Irish politicians, civil servants and advisors discuss the process of coming to agreement. In tracing the processes by which British and Irish perspectives converged to address the Northern Ireland conflict, the book provides a benchmark against which the ongoing impact of Brexit on the Good Friday Agreement can be assessed.

Concepto y fundamentación jurídica de las acciones positivas y la promoción profesional de las mujeres en la jurisprudencia del TJUE = Concept and legal basis of the positive actions and the professional promotion of women in the jurisprudence of the CJEU

Resumen. El Derecho originario de la UE no reconoce expresamente las medidas de acción positiva, pero permite que los Estados las implementen para corregir la desigualdad de género en el ámbito sociolaboral. Lo mismo puede afirmarse de las Directivas sobre no discriminación.Dada esa premisa, el papel del TJUE ha sido el de analizar la compatibilidad de las medidas de acción positiva adoptada por los Estados con el Derecho Comunitario.Las sentencias Kalanke, Marschall, Badeck, Abrahamsson, Briheche, Lommers, Roca Álvarez, Maïstrellis, entre otras, muestran un panorama de cierta complicación y, desde luego, de muchos condicionantes para admitir la validez de la acción positiva de referencia, porque abordan la materia desde un puro enfoque anti discriminatorio.El presente trabajo repasa sucesivamente esos pronunciamientos del Tribunal de Luxemburgo. De su estudio deriva toda una serie de requisitos para que pueda entenderse legítima la acción positiva en favor de la mujer: 1) Debe acreditarse la infrarrepresentación femenina en el correspondiente ámbito profesional. 2) No se trata de reservar empleos, sino de facilitar la compatibilidad con la vida familiar o de establecer prioridades. 3) Cuando lo que está en juego es el disfrute de un beneficio (como las guarderías para los hijos o el acceso a una formación profesional) no debe estar monopolizado por el Estado, de manera que pueda accederse a ellos en todo caso. 4) Es importante comprobar que se permita tener en cuenta las situaciones especiales de empleados varones. 5) La acción positiva debe respetar la proporcionalidad. 6) En caso de compararse méritos, el trato de favor solo debe activarse cuando existe igualdad sustancial de los mismos.Palabras clave: acciones positivas, promoción profesional, mujeres, jurisprudencia del TJUE.Abstract. The original EU law does not expressly recognize positive action measures, but it allows States to implement them to correct gender inequality in the social and labor sphere. The same can be said of the Directives on non-discrimination. Given this premise, the role of the CJEU has been to analyze the compatibility of the positive action measures adopted by the States with Community Law. The judgments of Kalanke, Marschall, Badeck, Abrahamsson, Briheche, Lommers, Roca Álvarez, Maïstrellis, among others, show a panorama of certain complications and, of course, of many conditions to admit the validity of the positive action of reference, because they address the matter from a pure anti-discriminatory approach. The present work reviews successively those pronouncements of the Court of Luxembourg. From their study derives a whole series of requirements so that positive action in favor of women can be understood as legitimate: 1) Female underrepresentation in the corresponding professional field must be accredited. 2) It is not about reserving jobs, but about facilitating compatibility with family life or establishing priorities. 3) When what is at stake is the enjoyment of a benefit (such as nurseries for children or access to professional training) should not be monopolized by the State, so that they can be accessed in any case. 4) It is important to check that the special situations of male employees are allowed to be taken into account. 5) Positive action must respect proportionality. 6) In case of comparing merits, the favorable treatment should only be activated when there is substantial equality of the same.Keywords: positive action, professional promotion, women, jurisprudence of the CJEU.

QUOTAS FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF EQUALITY, EQUITY AND JURIDICAL PLURALISM

This work aims to conceptualize formal equality and substantial (material) equality as the guiding principles for the formulation of affirmative action policies -- Quota Law (n. 12.711/2012). It differentiates between two types of equalities: formal and substantial, taking into account that the differences serve to the understanding of Quota Law's matter, allowing to assert that substantial equality is the one that best assures equity, the strengthening of human rights and the admission of a population historically excluded from public higher education in Brazil. In what concerns affirmative action, its political disposition and temporary character expose the foundations of Compensatory and Distributive Theories and the Principles of Legal Pluralism and Human Dignity. Accordingly, from an interdisciplinary perspective, the text points that today's quotas, despite a series of criticisms and oppositions, have mainly allowed the admission of black and indigenous students in federal institutions of higher education.

Pulverizar el poder económico : el neoliberalismo y la neutralización del conflicto social.

El neoliberalismo entrega al Estado la tarea de vigilar las leyes del mercado y emplea la competencia para guiar políticamente a los socios. La consecuencia es el aislamiento del individuo frente al mercado, que estará obligado solo a reaccionar automáticamente a sus estímulos. De ahí que valorice el constitucionalismo antifascista, que promueve la democracia económica, además de la política. Así las cosas, el Estado estará obligado a realizar la paridad sustancial fuera del mercado, con el Estado de bienestar, pero también en el mercado, equilibrando la debilidad social con la fuerza jurídica. Los poderes públicos deben redistribuir las armas del conflicto social y de ahí lograr la repoliticización del orden económico. Abstract: Neoliberalism gives the State the task of monitoring the laws of the market and, in this sense; it uses competition as a tool for the political direction of its members. The consequence is the isolation of the individual from the market, which condemns him to have only the behaviors that are automatic reactions to the stimuli produced by it. An alternative to this situation is to strengthen anti-fascist constitutionalism, which promotes economic democracy as well as political democracy. In this scenario, the State is obliged to implement substantial equality outside the market through welfare, but also in the market itself, balancing social weakness with legal force. Thus, it is the task of the public authorities to redistribute the weapons of social conflict and, in this way, to re-politicize the economic order.

Justiça ambiental no direito brasileiro: fundamentos constitucionais para combater as desigualdades e discriminações ambientais

RESUMO:Partindo-se das constatações de situações de injustiça e racismo ambiental, o presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar os fundamentos constitucionais para o combate das desigualdades e discriminações ambientais. Esse modelo não democrático de distribuição de poluição e de recursos naturais afronta diretamente à Constituição Federal brasileira de 1988 que se pauta, sobretudo, no direito fundamental ao meio ambiente equilibrado, além de outros direitos fundamentais como a saúde e dos trabalhadores, bem como nos objetivos gerais de solidariedade, erradicação da pobreza e da marginalização social e redução das desigualdades sociais e regionais. O princípio da solidariedade deve conduzir à igualdade substancial e justiça social, não somente entre a geração atual e as futuras (equidade geracional) mas dentro da mesma geração (justiça ambiental). Por fim, das próprias características do meio ambiente, enquanto bem autônomo, de natureza difusa, de titularidade da sociedade, decorre que cabe ao Estado atuar obrigatoriamente, de não dispor de algo que não lhe pertence e nunca adotar políticas públicas que provoquem o acirramento de desigualdades e discriminações sociais e, especificamente, o racismo. ABSTRACT:From findings of situations of injustice and environmental racism, this paper aims to analyze the constitutional grounds to fight the environmental inequalities and discriminations. This undemocratic model of distribution of pollution and natural resources affront directly the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, which is based, mainly, on the fundamental right to the balanced environment, besides other fundamental rights, like health worker rights, as well as the general goals of solidarity, eradication of poverty, social marginalization and reduction of the social and regional inequalities. The principle of the solidarity should conduct to the substantial equality and social justice, not only between the current and the future generations (generational equity), but in the same generation (environmental justice). Lastly, from own characteristics of the environment, as an autonomous good, of a pervasive nature, of society ownership, we can conclude that is a responsibility of the Government, mandatorily, does not dispose of something that does not belong to it and never adopt public policies that cause the increase of social inequalities and discriminations and, specifically, the racism.

A construção histórica das ações afirmativas para afrodescendentes no Brasil / The historical building of affirmative actions for afrodescendants in Brazil

RESUMOEste artigo tem por objetivo estudar o nível de efetividade das ações afirmativas historicamente construídas para a população afrodescendente no Brasil. Para tanto, estudam-se os contornos e as controvérsias que norteiam a definição das ações afirmativas, bem como as principais teorias que buscam fundamentá-las. Além disso, analisa-se a evolução que a temática recebeu na história constitucional brasileira, buscando-se entender as raízes da discriminação sofrida pelos afro-brasileiros e a forma como o Estado tem buscado reverter essa situação. Por fim, discute-se a recente dicotomia entre o uso das ações afirmativas como mecanismo de efetividade do direito fundamental à igualdade real versus o questionamento sobre a abusividade e desproporcionalidade de algumas medidas por elas implementadas. A metodologia utilizada neste texto foi a pesquisa bibliográfica, bem como a análise comparativa das estatísticas sobre direitos humanos e discriminação, elaboradas pela Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU), pela Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA) e pelo Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatísticas (IBGE).Palavras-Chave: dignidade humana, direitos humanos, teorias da justiça, ações afirmativas, afro-brasileiros ABSTRACTThis article aims to study the affirmative actions' effectiveness, historically built for the Afrodescendant population in Brazil. Therefore, it begins studing the contours and controversies that guide the definition of affirmative actions, as well as the main theories that look to justify them. In addition, it analyzes the evolution that this thematic received in the Brazilian constitutional history, trying to understand the roots of the discrimination suffered by Afro-Brazilians and the way the State has tried to reverse this situation. Finally, it discuss the recent dichotomy between the use of affirmative action as a mechanism of effectiveness of the fundamental right to substantial equality versus the questioning of the abuse and disproportionality of some measures implemented by them. The methodology used in this text was the bibliographical research, as well as the comparative analysis of statistics on human rights and discrimination, developed by the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS) and the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE).Keywords: human dignity, human rights, theories of justice, affirmative action, Afro-Brazilians

Substantial Equality and Human Dignity

Equality is a multi-dimensional concept. In the context of law, it is principally identified with formal legal equality comprising both numerical and proportional equality. Numerical equality grants all individuals the possibility to uphold the same rights and obligations before the law. Contrary, proportional equality imposes the same treatment of the alike and different treatment of the non-alike. Nevertheless, the second principle of proportional equality calling for unlike treatment of the unlike seems to be equally challenging. When implementing this principle, the emerging challenges stem from the widely accepted Western perception that identifies diversity with inequality and inferiority. This chapter explores these highly challenging issues attempting to enlighten the interpretation of the principle of equality in conjunction with the most cherished value of human dignity.

What Is Democracy (and What Is Its Raison D’Etre)?

ABSTRACT:This article aims to say what democracy is or what the predicate ‘democratic’ means, as opposed to saying what is good, right, or desirable about it. The basic idea—by no means a novel one—is that a democratic system is one that features substantial equality of political power. More distinctively it is argued that ‘democratic’ is a relative gradable adjective, the use of which permits different, contextually determined thresholds of democraticness. Thus, a system can be correctly called ‘democratic’ even if it does not feature perfect equality of power. The article's central undertaking is to give greater precision to the operative notion(s) of power. No complete or fully unified measure of power is offered, but several conceptual tools are introduced that help give suitable content to power measurement. These tools include distinctions between conditional versus unconditional power and direct versus indirect power. Using such tools, a variety of prima facie problems for the power equality approach are addressed and defused. Finally, the theory is compared to epistemic and deliberative approaches to democracy; and reasons are offered for the attractiveness of democracy that flows from the power equality theme.