scholarly journals Pulverizar el poder económico : el neoliberalismo y la neutralización del conflicto social.

Soft Power ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-78
Author(s):  
Alessandro Somma

El neoliberalismo entrega al Estado la tarea de vigilar las leyes del mercado y emplea la competencia para guiar políticamente a los socios. La consecuencia es el aislamiento del individuo frente al mercado, que estará obligado solo a reaccionar automáticamente a sus estímulos. De ahí que valorice el constitucionalismo antifascista, que promueve la democracia económica, además de la política. Así las cosas, el Estado estará obligado a realizar la paridad sustancial fuera del mercado, con el Estado de bienestar, pero también en el mercado, equilibrando la debilidad social con la fuerza jurídica. Los poderes públicos deben redistribuir las armas del conflicto social y de ahí lograr la repoliticización del orden económico. Abstract: Neoliberalism gives the State the task of monitoring the laws of the market and, in this sense; it uses competition as a tool for the political direction of its members. The consequence is the isolation of the individual from the market, which condemns him to have only the behaviors that are automatic reactions to the stimuli produced by it. An alternative to this situation is to strengthen anti-fascist constitutionalism, which promotes economic democracy as well as political democracy. In this scenario, the State is obliged to implement substantial equality outside the market through welfare, but also in the market itself, balancing social weakness with legal force. Thus, it is the task of the public authorities to redistribute the weapons of social conflict and, in this way, to re-politicize the economic order.  

2019 ◽  
pp. 54-66
Author(s):  
Andriy KHUDYK

The article examines the process of constitutionalization of public finances through the prism of the constitutional model of the interconnection between the rights of individuals to public finances and the powers of public authorities in this field. It is emphasized that from the standpoint of anthroposociocultural approach, public finances are intended to ensure the public interests of individuals through the use of financial resources at the disposal of the state. Public finances involve choosing between different tasks and goals, and this choice quite often involves addressing the issue of expediency, which in its turn comes to the problem of the effective organization of public finances in order to meet the public needs of all individuals. It is noted that from the standpoint of the Constitution of Ukraine, the effectiveness of the state depends on to what extent it is able to meet the public needs and interests of individuals. The role of the state comes to creating such conditions and mechanisms for the realization of interests that, through the implementation of state policy, will promote the well-being of individuals. That is why the state cannot and is not authorized by the Constitution of Ukraine to ignore the real needs of society and of particular social groups. The will of the society must be embodied in laws that should reflect the public interests of individuals and not the private interests of certain members of society. In our opinion, the complete elimination of the state from the sphere of public finances and the equalization of consumption of the commons may contribute to the emergence of providing public services. It is concluded that the purpose of public finances is to organize the performance of the duty of public authorities on the proper management of public financial resources to the public interest of the individual. The purpose of public authorities is to ensure the will of the owner. In consequence, public financial resources cannot be used by the state for anything at all, but only for the public needs of individuals. Public financial resources are subject to the specific regime in order to designate them to serve the public needs of individuals. Therefore, the Constitution of Ukraine obliges the state to carry out fair and impartial distribution and redistribution of public financial resources on behalf and for the benefit of society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 147-158
Author(s):  
J.M. SHULYAKOVSKAYA ◽  
◽  
D.A. KHVATOV ◽  

The purpose of the work is to carry out a comprehensive analysis of conflict destructions in society in the form of socio-cultural contradictions that determine the manifestations of extremism and terrorism. The subject of the research is social norms aimed at regulating social relations in the sphere of overcoming manifestations of terrorism and extremism, determined by the conflict phenomena of society. Methodological basis - using the data of secondary research, an analysis of social attitudes and stereotypes that form a high level of extremist and terrorist manifestations, and in this regard, which is an indicator of the emergence of a state of anomie in society, was carried out. This article analyzes the main conflict destruction of society as a basic source of extremism and terrorism. Among them are the following: civilizational crisis, expressed in political and economic antagonism, split in society, strengthening of existing differences between the Eastern and Western worldviews. It is substantiated that these phenomena are associated with the deterioration of the state of society. The population under the pressure of threats comes to the conclusion that the public danger does not come from extremists and terrorists, but from representatives of public authorities who do not want to accept the political speculations of extremists and terrorists. In this situation, society itself becomes an "accomplice" of extremists and terrorists. As a result, the ways of overcoming the manifestations of terrorism and extremism determined by the conflict phenomena of society are identified.


Author(s):  
Regina Stori

This article explores the capitalist state notion from the perspective developed by Nicos Poulantzas in his latest book (The State, the power, the socialism - 1978), as well as it evaluates how his analysis enable the public policies understanding today . The concept of State is presented as the material condensation of a force relation, progressing to an authoritarian statism, a concept developed by Poulantzas to explain the Executive power strengthening and the political democracy institutions decline. Concluding that the Poulantzian thought, despite of being based on his analysis in the 1970s, remains current and allows the public policies understanding in contemporary times.


Liquidity ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 142-152
Author(s):  
Mukhaer Pakkanna

Political democracy should be equivalent to the economic development of the quality of democracy, economic democracy if not upright, even the owner of the ruling power and money, which is parallel to force global corporatocracy. Consequently, the economic oligarchy preservation reinforces control of production and distribution from upstream to downstream and power monopoly of the market. The implication, increasingly sharp economic disparities, exclusive owner of the money and power become fertile, and the end could jeopardize the harmony of the national economy. The loss of national economic identity that makes people feel lost the “pilot of the state”. What happens then is the autopilot state. Viewing unclear direction of the economy, the national economy should clarify the true figure.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-38
Author(s):  
Stephen J. Rosow

Contestation over war memorialization can help democratic theory respond to the current attenuation of citizenship in war in liberal democratic states, especially the United States. As war involves more advanced technologies and fewer soldiers, the relation of citizenship to war changes. In this context war memorialization plays a particular role in refiguring the relation. Current practices of remembering and memorializing war in contemporary neoliberal states respond to a dilemma: the state needs to justify and garner support for continual wars while distancing citizenship from participation. The result is a consumer culture of memorialization that seeks to effect a unity of the political community while it fights wars with few citizens and devalues the public. Neoliberal wars fought with few soldiers and an economic logic reveals the vulnerability to otherness that leads to more active and critical democratic citizenship.


China Report ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 000944552110470
Author(s):  
Rudolf Fürst

Deepening globalisation and worldwide availability of free information and ideas raise concerns of the communist China’s political leadership about the stability of the regime and the sustainability of the state ideological orthodoxy. Therefore, the state’s tightening control of the public communication to curtail the domestic criticism and occasional public discontent is becoming framed and legitimised in terms of cultural security as a non-traditional security concern. This study argues that the restrictive impacts of the politicisation of culture in the centralised agenda of President Xi Jinping reinvigorate China’s anti-Western narratives and attitudes. The research focuses on the state’s cultural security-related and applicable strategy in the political and institutional agenda and media. Moreover, the study also traces the state cultural security policy in the field of the civic and non-governmental sector, religious and ethnic minorities policy, literature, film and audiovisual sectors. The findings assess the concern that the intellectually anachronistic, self-restraining and internationally hostile policy devaluates China’s cultural potential and complexity.


Author(s):  
Richard Whiting

In assessing the relationship between trade unions and British politics, this chapter has two focuses. First, it examines the role of trade unions as significant intermediate associations within the political system. They have been significant as the means for the development of citizenship and involvement in society, as well as a restraint upon the power of the state. Their power has also raised questions about the relationship between the role of associations and the freedom of the individual. Second, the chapter considers critical moments when the trade unions challenged the authority of governments, especially in the periods 1918–26 and 1979–85. Both of these lines of inquiry underline the importance of conservatism in the achievement of stability in modern Britain.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Tawanda Zinyama ◽  
Joseph Tinarwo

Public administration is carried out through the public service. Public administration is an instrument of the State which is expected to implement the policy decisions made from the political and legislative processes. The rationale of this article is to assess the working relationships between ministers and permanent secretaries in the Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe. The success of the Minister depends to a large degree on the ability and goodwill of a permanent secretary who often has a very different personal or professional background and whom the minster did not appoint. Here lies the vitality of the permanent secretary institution. If a Minister decides to ignore the advice of the permanent secretary, he/she may risk of making serious errors. The permanent secretary is the key link between the democratic process and the public service. This article observed that the mere fact that the permanent secretary carries out the political, economic and social interests and functions of the state from which he/she derives his/her authority and power; and to which he/she is accountable,  no permanent secretary is apolitical and neutral to the ideological predisposition of the elected Ministers. The interaction between the two is a political process. Contemporary administrator requires complex team-work and the synthesis of diverse contributions and view-points.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marina Rúbia Mendonça Lôbo De Carvalho ◽  
Andressa Guimarães Freire

<p>Os atos, condutas e comportamentos do Poder Público gozam de presunção de legitimidade, gerando, em diversas situações, expectativas nos indivíduos. Pode o Estado, no uso de suas prorrogativas, violar aquelas expectativas, causando efeitos negativos à ordem econômica, por despertarem desconfiança e instabilidade nas relações com o Poder Público. Delimitada a ênfase do presente trabalho à função administrativa do Estado, visou-se compreender o princípio da proteção da confiança como instrumento de tutela da expectativa legítima do indivíduo, por impor limites à Administração Pública na anulação de atos administrativos. Nessa situação, viu-se que referido princípio pode conflitar com a legalidade e a autotutela, sendo o caso de se buscar um juízo de ponderação, que resultará na manutenção do ato ou na sua anulação, esta podendo ser com efeitos <em>ex tunc</em>, com efeitos <em>ex nunc</em> ou com a modulação temporal dos efeitos para um determinado momento futuro.</p><p> </p><p>The acts, practices and behaviors of the Public Power in the exercise of legitimation, can generate, in several situations, expectations in individuals. The Estate, in use of its prerogatives, can breach expectations, generating a negative economic response, lack of confidence and instability in its relations. Thus, the principle of protection defends the preservations of these state acts, which effects extend in time, giving the individual an expectation of continuity, even if they are illegal or unconstitutional. Delimiting the emphasis of the present work on the administrative function of the State, it was intended to understand the principle of the protection of trust as an instrument to protect the legitimate expectation of the individual, for imposing limits to the Public Administration in the annulment of administrative acts. In this situation, it was seen that this principle may conflict with legality and self-assessment, being the case of seeking a weighing judgment, which will result in the maintenance of the act or its annulment, this being possible with the temporal modulation of the effects for a certain future moment.</p><p> </p><p> </p>


2018 ◽  
pp. 8-15
Author(s):  
Іvan Pobochiy

The level of social harmony in society and the development of democracy depends to a large extent on the level of development of parties, their ideological and political orientation, methods and means of action. The purpose of the article is to study the party system of Ukraine and directions of its development, which is extremely complex and controversial. The methods. The research has led to the use of such scientific search methods as a system that allowed the party system of Ukraine to be considered as a holistic organism, and the historical and political method proved to be very effective in analyzing the historical preconditions and peculiarities of the formation of the party system. The results. The incompetent, colonial past and the associated cruel national oppression, terror, famine, and violent Russification caused the contradictory and dramatic nature of modernization, the actual absence of social groups and their leaders interested in it, and the relatively passive reaction of society to the challenges of history. Officials have been nominated by mafia clans, who were supposed to protect their interests and pursue their policies. Political struggle in the state took place not between influential political parties, but between territorial-regional clans. The party system of Ukraine after the Maidan and the beginning of the war on the Donbass were undergoing significant changes. On the political scene, new parties emerged in the course of the protests and after their completion — «Petro Poroshenko Bloc», «People’s Front», «Self-help»), which to some extent became spokespeople for not regional, but national interests. Pro-European direction is the main feature of the leading political parties that have formed a coalition in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Conclusion. The party system of Ukraine as a result of social processes is at the beginning of a new stage in its development, an important feature of which is the increase in the influence of society (direct and indirect) on the political life of the state. Obviously, there is a demand from the public for the emergence of new politicians, new leaders and new political forces that citizens would like to see first and foremost speakers and defenders of their interests.


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