Coalition Formation and Colonialism in Western Sicily

1972 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter T. Schneider
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
International Perspective ◽  
Local Region ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Single Model ◽  
The West ◽  
Unit Of Analysis ◽  
Western Sicily ◽  
And Control ◽  
Primary Unit

Recently an evolutionary and international perspective has been applied to the study of nonindustrial areas which rejects the popular idea that all such places are, or once were, ‘traditional’ and will ‘modernize’ in much the same way that the West was once traditional and has modernized. This change in perspective requires that the nation-state give way to the more local region as a primary unit of analysis, so that we can examine the varied relationships between regional and international centers of marketing and control, as well as between the region and nation-state of which it is a part. It further suggests that no single model of economic and political development can be applied to different cases at different points in history. The process ofdevelopment in XVIIth century Britain differed in important ways from contemporary attempts which occur in the context of a world-wide economy dominated by established industrialpowers (1).

A Combined Argument: Beyond Wallerstein?

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 125-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mladen Medved
Keyword(s):  
Systems Analysis ◽  
Nation State ◽  
World Systems ◽  
The West ◽  
Unit Of Analysis ◽  
Wage Labour ◽  
Capitalist World ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
World Systems Analysis

AbstractInHow the West Came to Rule, Alexander Anievas and Kerem Nişancıoğlu offer an alternative to both Political Marxism and world-systems analysis (WSA) by going beyond the nation-state as the unit of analysis in the former and the marginalisation of articulation and combination between modes of production in the latter. Their account also gives more room to non-European actors neglected in other interpretations of the rise of the West. However, I argue that their argument is much closer toWSAand that their critique of Wallerstein regarding Eurocentrism, the origins of capitalism and the role of wage labour in the capitalist world-system is problematic. Furthermore, Anievas and Nişancıoğlu do not offer a sufficiently rigorous definition of combination, leading to an overextension of the concept.

State Autonomy and American Political Development: How Mass Democracy Promoted State Power

2005 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel DeCanio
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
American Political Development ◽  
The State ◽  
Institutional Constraints ◽  
State Autonomy ◽  
Unit Of Analysis ◽  
Electoral Outcomes ◽  
Primary Unit

In the 1980s, many scholars of both comparative and American politics argued that states often act autonomously from social demands. Rejecting reductionist assumptions regarding the primacy of social groups for public policy, both groups of scholars examine how government actors and preexisting institutional constraints influenced policy implementation. Since then, however, while the state has been retained as the primary unit of analysis for most studies of American political development, interest in the autonomy of the state has dwindled, and scholars have increasingly focused on how social groups and electoral outcomes explain state formation and public policy, especially in the nineteenth century. In some instances, scholars have even denied that state autonomy is a relevant concept for the study of American political development.

Reconsideration of the Research Trajectory on the Carceral State

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-207
Author(s):  
Juliette Barbera
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Political Development ◽  
American Political Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Carceral State ◽  
Research Framework ◽  
Research Production ◽  
Fields Of Study ◽  
Theoretical Perspectives ◽  
And Control

For decades, both incarceration and research on the topic have proliferated. Disciplines within the Western sciences have studied the topic of incarceration through their respective lenses. Decades of data reflect trends and consequences of the carceral state, and based on that data the various disciplines have put forth arguments as to how the trends and consequences are of relevance to their respective fields of study. The research trajectory of incarceration research, however, overlooks the assumptions behind punishment and control and their institutionalization that produce and maintain the carceral state and its study. This omission of assumptions facilitates a focus on outcomes that serve to reinforce Western perspectives, and it contributes to the overall stagnation in the incarceration research produced in Western disciplines. An assessment of the study of the carceral state within the mainstream of American Political Development in the political science discipline provides an example of how the research framework contributes to the overall stagnation, even though the framework of the subfield allows for an historical institutionalization perspective. The theoretical perspectives of Cedric J. Robinson reveal the limits of Western lenses to critically assess the state. The alternative framework he provides to challenge the limits imposed on research production by Western perspectives applies to the argument presented here concerning the limitations that hamper the study of the carceral state.

Israel’s Ground Forces in the Occupied Territories

2020 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-57
Author(s):  
Eyal Ben-Ari ◽  
Uzi Ben-Shalom
Keyword(s):  
High Intensity ◽  
Force Generation ◽  
Institutional Autonomy ◽  
Multiple Forms ◽  
The West ◽  
Occupied Territories ◽  
Media Monitoring ◽  
Israel Defense Forces ◽  
And Control ◽  
Over Time

The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) routinely rotate ground forces in and out of the Occupied Territories in the West Bank. While these troops are trained for soldiering in high-intensity wars, in the Territories they have long had to carry out a variety of policing activities. These activities often exist in tension with their soldierly training and ethos, both of which center on violent encounters. IDF ground forces have adapted to this situation by maintaining a hierarchy of ‘logics of action’, in which handling potentially hostile encounters takes precedence over other forms of policing. Over time, this hierarchy has been adapted to the changed nature of contemporary conflict, in which soldiering is increasingly exposed to multiple forms of media, monitoring, and juridification. To maintain its public legitimacy and institutional autonomy, the IDF has had to adapt to the changes imposed on it by creating multiple mechanisms of force generation and control of soldierly action.

Inside insights: A phenomenology of interoception

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Drew Leder
Keyword(s):  
Conscious Awareness ◽  
Lived Body ◽  
The West ◽  
Body Experience ◽  
Health And Wellbeing ◽  
Outer World ◽  
Body Experiences ◽  
Rational Thought ◽  
And Control

This chapter undertakes a phenomenology of inner-body experience, starting with a focus on visceral interoception. While highly personal, such experience also reveals a level of the lived body that is pre-personal, beyond our understanding and control. In contrast to exteroception, elements of the visceral field can be inaccessible, or surface only indistinctly and intermittently to conscious awareness. Nonetheless, interoception is more than just a series of such sensations. This chapter argues for the “exterior interior”—that is, we interpret inner body experiences through models drawn from the outer world, and interoception itself is bound up with emotion, purpose, and projects. In the West, we tend to valorize the interiority of rational thought; by contrast, experience of the inner body is a kind of “inferior interior,” often overlooked or overridden, yet inside insights—gained from attending to messages from the inner body—may preserve our health and wellbeing.

The Problem of Energy

2014 ◽  
Vol 31 (5) ◽  
pp. 3-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Urry
Keyword(s):  
Social Theory ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Fossil Fuel ◽  
Energy Systems ◽  
Social Thought ◽  
Human Intervention ◽  
The West ◽  
The Past ◽  
And Control ◽  
Global Growth

Energy forms and their extensive scale are remarkably significant for the ways that societies are organized. This article shows the importance of how societies are ‘energized’ and especially the global growth of ‘fossil fuel societies’. Much social thought remains oblivious to the energy revolution realized over the past two to three centuries which set the ‘West’ onto a distinct trajectory. Energy is troubling for social thought because different energy systems with their ‘lock-ins’ are not subject to simple human intervention and control. Analyses are provided here of different fossil fuel societies, of coal and oil, with the latter enabling the liquid, mobilized 20th century. Consideration is paid to the possibilities of reducing fossil fuel dependence but it is shown how unlikely such a ‘powering down’ will be. The author demonstrates how energy is a massive problem for social theory and for 21st-century societies. Developing post-carbon theory and especially practice is far away but is especially urgent.

Counter-hegemony in today's Belarus: dissident symbols and the mythological figure of Miron Vitebskii

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 713-730
Author(s):  
Anastasiya Astapova
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Civil State ◽  
Multiple Functions

Tackling the role of state symbols in negotiating national identity and political development, this research focuses on Belarus where the alternative white-red-white flag became instrumental in protests against the dominant political discourse. Since 1995, oppositional mass media have been reporting about cases of this tricolor being erected in hard-to-reach and/or politically sensitive places. These actions were mainly attributed to some “Miron,” whose identity remained concealed and served as a simulacrum of a national superhero in non-conformist discourse. The image of Miron immediately acquired multiple functions: condemning the Soviet colonial past, struggling for the European future, and creating a nation-state rather than the Russian-speaking civil-state of Belarus. Yet, first and foremost, Miron became a means for contesting the authority of the president who has been in power since 1994. Concentrating on the methods employed for the construction of the counter-hegemonic fakelore project of Miron and its aims, this article explores the vernacular response to its creation.

scholarly journals Sekoper Cinta: Solusi Peningkatan Kualitas Perempuan di Tatar Sunda

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 177
Author(s):  
Neng Eri Sofiana
Keyword(s):  
Divorce Rate ◽  
Economic Independence ◽  
The West ◽  
West Java ◽  
Violence Against Children ◽  
The Past ◽  
Women And Children ◽  
Child Violence ◽  
And Control

<p><em>West Java for the past three years has been included in the top three provinces with the highest number of divorces and the highest rate of child violence. Ridwan Kamil and the Chief of the West Java PKK launched 'Sekoper Cinta' or women's school held by the DP3AKB which make an affort to empower women to achieve equality , participation, access, roles, benefits and control between women and men in all fields. This school has held a graduation ceremony for 2,700 women on October 22, 2019. This program is held to improve the quality of women so they can reduce the rate of divorce and violence against children. So, how is this program carried out in West Java, can it reduce the existing divorce rate? Can it be applied in other areas as a solution to protect women and children? In fact, Sekoper Cinta is able to make women and mothers more empowered and qualified with a lot of materials that encourage family resilience and economic independence, so that if applied it will certainly be able to reduce the divorce rate in West Java and this program can be used as guidelines and examples for other areas because the results are able to give freedom to women from gender injustice.</em></p><p> </p><p>Jawa Barat selama tiga tahun terakhir ini termasuk ke dalam tiga besar provinsi dengan jumlah perceraian terbanyak dan angka kekerasan anak terbesar. Ridwan Kamil beserta Ketua PKK Jawa Barat meluncurkan ‘Sekoper Cinta’ atau Sekolah Perempuan Capai Impian dan Cita-Cita sebagai sekolah khusus perempuan yang diadakan oleh Pemprov Jawa Barat dengan Dinas Pemberdayaan Perempuan Perlindungan Anak dan Keluarga Berencana (DP3AKB) yang berupaya dalam memberdayakan para perempuan demi mewujudkan kesetaraan, partisipasi, akses, peran, manfaat, dan kontrol antara perempuan dan laki-laki di semua bidang. Sekolah ini telah mengadakan wisuda bagi 2.700 perempuan pada 22 Oktober 2019 lalu. Program ini diadakan sebagai salah satu upaya untuk meningkatkan kualitas perempuan sehingga dapat menekan angka perceraian dan kekerasan terhadap anak. Maka, bagaimana program ini dilakukan di Jawa Barat, apakah dapat menekan angka perceraian yang ada? Apakah mampu diterapkan di wilayah lain sebagai solusi melindungi kaum perempuan dan anak? Ternyata, Sekoper Cinta mampu membuat perempuan dan ibu-ibu lebih berdaya dan berkualitas dengan sekian banyak materi yang mendorong kepada ketahanan keluarga dan kemandirian ekonomi, sehingga jika diaplikasikan tentu akan mampu menekan angka perceraian yang ada di Jawa Barat dan program ini dapat dijadikan pedoman serta contoh bagi wilayah lainnya karena hasilnya yang mampu memberi kebebasan kepada perempuan dari ketidakadilan gender.</p>

scholarly journals TOWARD THE UNIVERSAL ETHICS AND VALUES IN THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION: WITH REFERENCE TO JAPANESE RELIGIONS COMPARED TO MODERN RATIONALISM

2008 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-182
Author(s):  
Tetsuo Maruyama
Keyword(s):  
State Level ◽  
Cultural Identities ◽  
Human Society ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
The West ◽  
Global Society ◽  
Common Values

Today, globalization is still far from creating a picture in our minds about an integrated global society with certain common values and ethics. However, the exchange and flow of people, goods, money, information and images are emerging on a transnational level and, in this global sphere, some values of dominant-particularity with pseudo-universality have prevailed. Most of these values originated in Western societies. This paper presents a tentative outline of alternative common values in the new global sphere, with reference to Japanese religions, especially Buddhist ideas, making comparison with modern rationalism that originated in the West. In the globalization process of human society, those values and norms which have been formed at the nation-state level become relativized and lead to the fluidity and instability of cultural identities. Furthermore, it also becomes clear that such dominant values based on modern rationalism have revealed their limitations. Hence, we need to search for alternative values common to all human beings. In this line of thought, it is useful to consider the possibilities or potentialities of Buddhist ideas as common values.

scholarly journals Subsidiarity and Federalism: An Old Concept with Contemporary Relevance for Political Society

1969 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Friesen
Keyword(s):  
National Level ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Political Society ◽  
Global Level ◽  
Regional Power ◽  
Single Model ◽  
Human Organization

Historically human societies have never collectively organized, politically or socially, in any singular, standardized and/or universal way. Beginning with the Peace of Westphalia in 1647 the nation-state gradually proliferated as a legitimate manifestation of collective human organization at a global level. This proliferation has culminated in the standardization of a singular means of mobilizing and organizing human societies. The statist age that began in the 16th and 17th centuries consolidated and centralized the political power of the state. Divergent factions and regional power blocks within European states were discouraged, as politics became centralized at the national level. The proliferation of the nation-state represented the standardization of human political organization according to a single model. Given that there are, and have been, a variety of means by which humans identify and organize politically, this suggests that this universal acceptance and entrenchment of one model may be somewhat inappropriate.

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