Christian Right Horticulture: Grassroots Support in a Republican Primary Campaign

2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul A. Djupe ◽  
Jacob R. Neiheisel
Keyword(s):  
Social Structure ◽  
Christian Right ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Comprehensive Model ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
The Social ◽  
Grassroots Support ◽  
Original Survey ◽  
Effective Group

AbstractSeizing upon the opportunity afforded by a Republican primary contest in which a candidate backed by the Christian Right took on a candidate with connections to the party establishment, we examine the strength of the Christian right at the grassroots in Ohio. Using individual-level data compiled from an original survey instrument administered to over 1,000 Republican primary voters just after the May, 2006 primary, we present a more comprehensive model of both Christian Right support and the effect of Christian Right support on the vote choice. Instead of assuming a grassroots presence underpinning the movement, we assert and test the argument that natural elements of the social structure inhibit effective group access to collections of supporters. In doing so, we provide an explanation for the often observed gulf between movement identifiers and opinion-based supporters.

scholarly journals Preferences, vote choice, and the politics of social investment: Addressing the puzzle of unequal benefits of childcare provision

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
ERIK NEIMANNS
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Social Investment ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Individual Preferences ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Research Gap ◽  
Original Survey

Abstract Research on the politics of social investment finds public opinion to be highly supportive of expansive reforms and expects this support to matter for the politics of expanding social investment. Expanding social investment, it is argued, should be particularly attractive to left-wing voters and parties because of the egalitarian potential of such policies. However, few studies have examined to what extent individual preferences concerning social investment really matter politically. In this paper, I address this research gap for the crucial policy field of childcare by examining how individual-level preferences for expanding childcare provision translate into voting behavior. Based on original survey data from eight European countries, I find that preferences to expand public childcare spending indeed translate into electoral support for the left. However, this link from preferences to votes turns out to be socially biased. Childcare preferences are much more decisive for voting the further up individuals are in the income distribution. This imperfect transmission from preferences to voting behavior implies that political parties could have incentives to target the benefits of childcare reforms to their more affluent voters. My findings help to explain why governments frequently fail to reduce social inequality of access to seemingly egalitarian childcare provision.

Antecedents of growth-oriented entrepreneurship before and during the Greek economic crisis

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 528-544 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ioannis Giotopoulos ◽  
Alexandra Kontolaimou ◽  
Aggelos Tsakanikas
Keyword(s):  
Work Experience ◽  
Early Stage ◽  
New Ventures ◽  
High Growth ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Crisis Period ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
The Social ◽  
Before And After

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore potential drivers of high-growth intentions of early-stage entrepreneurs in Greece before and after the onset of the financial crisis of 2008. Design/methodology/approach To this end, the authors use individual-level data retrieved from Global Entrepreneurship Monitor annual surveys (2003-2015). Findings The results show that high-growth intentions of Greek entrepreneurs are driven by different factors in the crisis compared to the non-crisis period. Male entrepreneurs and entrepreneurs with significant work experience seem to be more likely to be engaged in growth-oriented new ventures during the crisis period. The same appears to hold for entrepreneurs who are motivated by an opportunity and also perceive future business opportunities in adverse economic conditions. On the other hand, the educational level and the social contacts of founders with other entrepreneurs are found to drive ambitious Greek entrepreneurship in the years before the crisis, while they were insignificant after the crisis outbreak. Originality/value Based on the concept of ambitious entrepreneurship, this study contributes to the literature by investigating the determinants of entrepreneurial high-growth expectations in the Greek context emphasizing the crisis period in comparison to the pre-crisis years.

scholarly journals Between liberty and control: citizens’ attitudes towards Romanian state surveillance

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-205
Author(s):  
Paul Tap
Keyword(s):  
Demographic Factors ◽  
Public Institutions ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
State Surveillance ◽  
Private And Public ◽  
Original Survey ◽  
Socio Demographic Factors ◽  
And Control ◽  
Source Of Information

Surveillance was extensively analyzed in the literature from multiple standpoints. Some studies looked to the temporal development of surveillance, while others analyzed the traditional theories that influenced many of the contemporary surveillance studies. All these studies define surveillance as an activity that is ubiquitous and performed globally, by multiple private and public institutions, through the involvement of specific technologies. However, little attention was paid to the perceptions of citizens about surveillance. This article addresses this gap in the literature and analyses how state surveillance is perceived by the Romanian citizens according to the socio-demographic factors (i.e., age, education, income, gender and medium of residence). The aim of the study is to explain how socio-demographic factors influence the acceptance of state surveillance. It also controls for the left-right self-placement, and the use of Facebook as source of information. The statistical analysis uses individual level data from an original survey conducted between October-November 2020. The survey was completed by 1,140 respondents, and the article uses correlation and linear regression to analyze the data. The findings illustrate that the acceptance of state surveillance is influenced by the gender, level of education and medium of residence of the individuals. The age and income of the citizens have no effect on the acceptance of state surveillance.

scholarly journals The inequity of morbidity: Disparities in the prevalence of morbidity between ethnic groups in New Zealand

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 2235042X2097116
Author(s):  
Jason Gurney ◽  
James Stanley ◽  
Diana Sarfati
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Ethnic Groups ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Middle Eastern ◽  
National Level ◽  
Morbidity Burden ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Impact

Objective: The burden of chronic disease is not evenly shared within our society. In this manuscript, we use comprehensive national-level data to compare morbidity burden between ethnic groups in New Zealand. Methods: We investigated the prevalence of morbidity among all New Zealanders aged 18+ (n = 3,296,837), stratified by ethnic group (Māori, Pacific, Asian, Middle Eastern/Latin American/African, European/Other), using national-level hospitalisation and pharmaceutical data and two measures of morbidity (the M3 and P3 indices). Results and Conclusions: We observed substantial disparities for Māori and Pacific peoples compared to other ethnic groups for the vast majority of commonly-diagnosed morbidities. These disparities appeared strongest for the most-common conditions – meaning that Māori and Pacific peoples disproportionately shoulder an increased burden of these key conditions. We also observed that prevalence of these conditions emerged at earlier ages, meaning that Māori and Pacific peoples also experience a disproportionate impact of individual conditions on the quality and quantity of life. Finally, we observed strong disparities in the prevalence of conditions that may exacerbate the impact of COVID-19, such as chronic pulmonary, liver or renal disease. The substantial inequities we have presented here have been created and perpetuated by the social determinants of health, including institutionalised racism: thus solutions will require addressing these systemic issues as well as addressing inequities in individual-level care.

scholarly journals Invited Commentary: Making Causal Inference More Social and (Social) Epidemiology More Causal

2019 ◽  
Vol 189 (3) ◽  
pp. 179-182
Author(s):  
John W Jackson ◽  
Onyebuchi A Arah
Keyword(s):  
Causal Inference ◽  
Causal Reasoning ◽  
Social Epidemiology ◽  
Systems Science ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
The Social ◽  
Key Drivers ◽  
Effect Estimation ◽  
Inference Methods

Abstract A society’s social structure and the interactions of its members determine when key drivers of health occur, for how long they last, and how they operate. Yet, it has been unclear whether causal inference methods can help us find meaningful interventions on these fundamental social drivers of health. Galea and Hernán propose we place hypothetical interventions on a spectrum and estimate their effects by emulating trials, either through individual-level data analysis or systems science modeling (Am J Epidemiol. 2020;189(3):167–170). In this commentary, by way of example in health disparities research, we probe this “closer engagement of social epidemiology with formal causal inference approaches.” The formidable, but not insurmountable, tensions call for causal reasoning and effect estimation in social epidemiology that should always be enveloped by a thorough understanding of how systems and the social exposome shape risk factor and health distributions. We argue that one way toward progress is a true partnership of social epidemiology and causal inference with bilateral feedback aimed at integrating social epidemiologic theory, causal identification and modeling methods, systems thinking, and improved study design and data. To produce consequential work, we must make social epidemiology more causal and causal inference more social.

Partisanship, Militarized International Conflict, and Electoral Support for the Incumbent

2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 172-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shane P. Singh ◽  
Jaroslav Tir
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Comparative Politics ◽  
International Conflict ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Interstate Disputes ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Level Data ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Militarized Interstate Disputes

Comparative politics scholarship often neglects to consider how militarized interstate disputes (MIDs) shape political behavior. In this project, we advance an argument that considers voter responses to international conflict at the individual level. In particular, we consider how the well-known conditioning effects of partisanship manifest in relation to militarized international conflict. Examining individual- and macro-level data across ninety-seven elections in forty-two countries over the 1996–2011 period, we find consistent evidence of militarized conflict impacting vote choice. This relationship is, however, moderated by partisanship, conflict side (initiator or target), and conflict hostility level. Among non-copartisan voters, the incumbent benefits the most electorally from initiating low-hostility MIDs or when the country is a target of a high-hostility MID; the opposite scenarios (initiator of a high-hostility MID or target of a low-hostility MID) lead to punishment among this voter group. Copartisans, meanwhile, tend to either maintain or intensify their support in most scenarios we examine; when a country is targeted in a low-hostility MID, copartisan support erodes mildly.

Deprived People or Deprived Places? Exploring the Ecological Fallacy in Studies of Deprivation with the Samples of Anonymised Records

1996 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-259 ◽  
Author(s):  
E A Fieldhouse ◽  
R Tye
Keyword(s):  
Specific Problem ◽  
Ecological Fallacy ◽  
Demographic Groups ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Level Data ◽  
The Social ◽  
Small Area Statistics ◽  
Equivalent Area ◽  
Social Demographic ◽  
Local Base

In recent years have seen an increase in the analysis of deprivation in Britain. In most studies the unit of analysis has been geographical, such as local-government wards or districts. This reflects, in part, a reliance on small-area statistics and local-base statistics from the censuses of population. Although useful in identifying specific problem areas, this type of approach may be subject to ecological fallacy. In other words, areas of high levels of deprivation may be home to high proportions of particular social or demographic groups, but it cannot be automatically assumed that these groups are themselves deprived. Although some studies have been based on purpose-designed individual-level survey data, these often lack sufficient sample sizes to analyse effectively small subgroups of the population or to allow geographical disaggregation. The release of the Samples of Anonymised Records from the 1991 Census allows individual-level data to be used to investigate the social, demographic, and geographical dimensions of deprivation. In this paper, a threshold of deprivation will be determined and the distribution of individual-level deprivation (deprived people) will be compared with an equivalent area-level index constructed from standard census output by the use of conventional techniques.

What Makes a Good Neighbor? Race, Place, and Norms of Political Participation

2018 ◽  
Vol 112 (3) ◽  
pp. 494-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALLISON P. ANOLL
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Social Norms ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
The United States ◽  
Neighborhood Context ◽  
Social Value ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
The Social ◽  
Original Survey ◽  
Good Neighbor

Social norms are thought to motivate behaviors like political participation, but context should influence both the content and activation of these norms. I show that both race and neighborhood context moderate the social value of political participation in the United States. Using original survey data and a survey experiment, I find that Whites, Blacks, and Latinos not only conceptualize participation differently, but also asymmetrically reward those who are politically active, with minority Americans often providing more social incentives for participation than Whites. I combine this survey data with geographic demography from the American Community Survey and find that neighborhood characteristics outpace individual-level indicators in predicting the social value of political participation. The findings suggest that scholars of political behavior should consider race, place, and social norms when seeking to understand participation in an increasingly diverse America.

Political Attitudes and Behaviour in a Non-Partisan Environment: Toronto 2014

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 311-333 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Michael McGregor ◽  
Aaron A. Moore ◽  
Laura B. Stephenson
Keyword(s):  
Choice Model ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Valuable Insight ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Voter Preferences ◽  
Multi Stage ◽  
Mayoral Election ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Municipal Level ◽  
Insight Into

AbstractVoting behaviour in municipal elections is understudied in Canada. Existing research is limited by the type of data (aggregate instead of individual-level) and the cases evaluated (partisan when most contests are non-partisan). The objective of this study is to contribute to this literature by using individual-level data about a non-partisan election. To do so, we use data from the Toronto Election Study, conducted during the 2014 election. Our research goals are to evaluate whether a standard approach to understanding vote choice (the multi-stage explanatory model) is applicable in a non-partisan, municipal-level contest, and to determine the correlates of vote choice in the 2014 Toronto mayoral election in particular. Our analysis reveals that, although it was a formally non-partisan contest, voters tended to view the mayoral candidates in both ideological and partisan terms. We also find that a standard vote choice model provides valuable insight into voter preferences at the municipal level.

scholarly journals Gender, Occupation and First Birth: Do ‘Career Men’ Delay First Birth Too?

2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 90-101
Author(s):  
Kevin Ralston ◽  
Vernon Gayle ◽  
Paul Lambert
Keyword(s):  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
Gender Inequalities ◽  
Occupational Class ◽  
First Birth ◽  
Career Women ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Cox Proportional Hazard ◽  
Level Data ◽  
The Social ◽  
Urban Rural

In the period following the turn of the Century European total fertility rates (TFR) dropped to well below replacement. Work examining this highlights that cohort postponement in births contributes to low TFRs. It is generally recognised that women in more advantaged occupations often postpone childbearing in contrast to those in less advantaged occupational groups. However, relatively little research has been conducted on men in similar terms. This paper contrasts the timing of first birth by occupational class between men and women using individual level data in a case study of Scotland. The data are an extract from the Scottish Longitudinal Study (SLS). This provides a 5.3% sample of the population of Scotland from the 1991 Census. The research applies the Cox proportional hazard model to estimate the speed to first birth during a period of observation between 1991 and 2006. Class is measured using NS-SEC 8 class analytic version. The model controls marital status, educational attainment, raised religion and urban-rural geography. It is found that ‘career men’ who occupy more advantaged occupational positions do not delay first birth in contrast to men in other occupational categories. This is in contrast to the well-known phenomenon of career women who have later childbearing. Our analysis shows that gender inequalities in how the social structure influences childbearing offer an avenue of explanation for wider patterns of social inequality.

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