scholarly journals Environmental ethics and the role of spiritual and moral values in crisis procedure

2021 ◽  
Vol 258 ◽  
pp. 07015
Author(s):  
Rakhat Stamova ◽  
Asanbek Akmataliev ◽  
Damirbek Yrazakov ◽  
Nurzada Kambarova ◽  
Rustambek Salimov

The spiritual crisis in which the modern world is today is based not only on economic and political reasons, but, first of all, on moral reasons. Lack of spirituality and immorality reign in all social institutions of society and significantly affect the general situation in the country, where two moral realities have been formed, in which, on the one hand, the state publicly professes all the obligatory norms of civilized life, on the other hand - the “life of the state”, where these norms do not actually apply. The entire world community, including Kyrgyzstan, is offered a de-ideologized liberal standard as a universal model of the constitution of a state and a person, the essence of which is the priority of pragmatic interests over moral values. An important role in the formation of moral values and culture should be played by the mass media, which currently represent a kind of “cut” in which a person creates and structures himself through associations caused by the information environment. A moral problem can permanently paralyze a person’s ability to take positive action, to realize his capabilities, since it casts doubt on a person’s ability to adequately form his attitude towards Good and Evil.

Author(s):  
V.I. Semenova ◽  
◽  
M.F. Fridman ◽  

This article is devoted to the most important issue of ensuring an innovative breakthrough in socio-economic development in the conditions of information and economic confrontation. Today, humanity is entering an era of a fundamentally different system of social relations, values and meanings. The emergence of a multipolar world model increases the competition of developed countries, on the one hand, and weakens the role of the state in society, on the other. Economic sanctions significantly hinder innovative development, so the state, as one of the main social institutions, still needs qualitatively new, more productive, innovative solutions, the emergence and implementation of which is impossible without appropriate personnel: researchers, analysts, developers, managers and workers.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 34-66
Author(s):  
Joyce Valdovinos

The provision of water services has traditionally been considered a responsibility of the state. During the late 1980s, the private sector emerged as a key actor in the provision of public services. Mexico City was no exception to this trend and public authorities awarded service contracts to four private consortia in 1993. Through consideration of this case study, two main questions arise: First, why do public authorities establish partnerships with the private sector? Second, what are the implications of these partnerships for water governance? This article focuses, on the one hand, on the conceptual debate of water as a public and/or private good, while identifying new trends and strategies carried out by private operators. On the other hand, it analyzes the role of the state and its relationships with other actors through a governance model characterized by partnerships and multilevel networks.Spanish La provisión del servicio del agua ha sido tradicionalmente considerada como una responsabilidad del Estado. A finales de la década de 1980, el sector privado emerge como un actor clave en el suministro de servicios públicos. La ciudad de México no escapa a esta tendencia y en 1993 las autoridades públicas firman contratos de servicios con cuatro consorcios privados. A través de este estudio de caso, dos preguntas son planteadas: ¿Por qué las autoridades públicas establecen partenariados con el sector privado? ¿Cuáles son las implicaciones de dichos partenariados en la gobernanza del agua? Este artículo aborda por una parte, el debate conceptual del agua como bien público y/o privado, identificando nuevas tendencias y estrategias de los operadores privados. Por otra parte, se analizan el rol y las relaciones del Estado con otros actores a través de un modelo de gobernanza, definido en términos de partenariados y redes multi-niveles.French Les services de l'eau ont été traditionnellement considérés comme une responsabilité de l'État. À la fin des années 1980, le secteur privé est apparu comme un acteur clé dans la fourniture de certains services publics. La ville de Mexico n'a pas échappé à cette tendance et en 1993, les autorités publiques ont signé des contrats de services avec quatre consortiums privés. À travers cette étude de cas, nous nous interrogerons sur deux aspects : pourquoi les autorités publiques établissentelles des partenariats avec le secteur privé ? Quelles sont les implications de ces partenariats sur la gouvernance de l'eau ? Cet article s'intéresse, d'une part, au débat conceptuel sur l'eau en tant que bien public et/ou privé, en identifiant les tendances nouvelles et les stratégies menées par les opérateurs privés. D'autre part y sont analysés le rôle de l'État et ses relations avec d'autres acteurs à travers un modèle de gouvernance, défini en termes de partenariats, et des réseaux multi-niveaux.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
pp. 112-117
Author(s):  
V. V. TADTAEVA ◽  
◽  
B. E. BAGAEV ◽  
A. A. BESAEVA ◽  
A. E. KALMANOVA ◽  
...  

Money is an integral part of the economic life of society. Payments are made both in cash and in non-cash form. During the COVID-19 epidemic, the use of electronic payment systems became the most profitable. The article examines the role of electronic money in the modern world in the context of a pandemic. Is given a rating of e-payment systems in Russia for 9 months. 2020.


Philosophy ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 58 (224) ◽  
pp. 215-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen R. L. Clark

Philosophers of earlier ages have usually spent time in considering thenature of marital, and in general familial, duty. Paley devotes an entire book to those ‘relative duties which result from the constitution of the sexes’,1 a book notable on the one hand for its humanity and on the other for Paley‘s strange refusal to acknowledge that the evils for which he condemns any breach of pure monogamy are in large part the result of the fact that such breaches are generally condemned. In a society where an unmarried mother is ruined no decent male should put a woman in such danger: but why precisely should social feeling be so severe? Marriage, the monogamist would say, must be defended at all costs, for it is a centrally important institution of our society. Political community was, in the past, understood as emerging from or imposed upon families, or similar associations. The struggle to establish the state was a struggle against families, clans and clubs; the state, once established, rested upon the social institutions to which it gave legal backing.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 595-604
Author(s):  
Roman A. Romashov ◽  
Vladislav Yu. Panchenko ◽  
Ilyas A. Ermolaev ◽  
Larisa A. Petruchak

Introduction: being a structural and functional element of the state mechanism (a kind of “state within the state”), the prison system is transforming along with it. Accordingly, the image status of the prison itself and representatives of “prison authorities” and “prison population” is also changing. We bring to the fore the problem of understanding the term “system” in the context of the image status of the social system in general and the penal system in particular. We highlight the formation of semantic images and image statuses on the example of three social institutions (school, army, prison), which are similar in terms of parametric characteristics and functioning and qualitatively different in image status. The article comprehensively examines the bipolar image of the penal system: on the one hand, prison is inextricably linked with human misfortune, an evil that cannot be treated positively; on the other hand, as an instrument of state law enforcement policy, the prison guarantees the inevitability of punishment for a crime, ensuring the execution of punishment, protecting law-abiding citizens, which is a good thing for society and the state. Research materials and methods: the features of formation and functioning of the image status of the Russian penal (“prison”) system are considered in the context of the concept of cyclic political genesis. In accordance with this concept, in relation to the history of the unified Russian state, three cycles should be distinguished (imperial, Soviet, post-Soviet). Within the framework of each, Russia was represented by qualitatively different forms of state government, economic order, social structure, etc. At the same time, in such “different” Russian states, there were different models of prison systems, the formation and functioning of which, as well as the transformation of the image status, was carried out under the influence of state prison policy and under the influence of public consciousness (national mentality). Results: the current state of the Russian penal system can be described as transitional. Along with the legacy of the “Soviet past”, we observe serious changes proceeding from democratization and humanization of the political and legal system of the Russian Federation. Transformation of the image of the penal system is aimed at increasing the level of openness and forming a positive opinion about the functioning of the penitentiary system (the Concept for development until 2030). It is important that in the public consciousness the image of the penal system as a predominantly punitive prison system gradually be replaced by the idea of it as a penitentiary system, which is concerned primarily with “revival of the essence of humanity” in a person through awareness and repentance. As for the image status of employees of the penal system, the state can optimize it first of all by equalizing their official status with that of military personnel and special services employees, who, like representatives of the prison system, serve the Russian state, but are in a privileged position in relation to them. Increasing the prestige of the service in the penal system in the eyes of actual or potential employees implies the rejection of such differentiation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Tabrani ZA

<p>Islam as a religion of rahmatan li al'alamin, very much its contribution to the national development which is oriented to the whole human development. The presence of religion is always accompanied by "two faces". On the one hand, inherently religion has an identity that is exclusive, particularistic, and primordial. At the same time, however, it is also rich in inclusive, Universalist and transcending identities. In its role as a directive system, religion is placed as the main reference in the process of change. Religion will serve as a supreme morality that provides the basis and strength of the society's spiritual elite as they dialectics with change. Likewise as a defensive system, religion becomes a kind of resistance force for society when it is in an increasingly complex circle of life issues amid the rapid flow of change. Islamic education as agents of social change that is in the atmosphere of modernization and globalization today is required to be able to play its role dynamically and proactively, both at the theoretical and practical intellectual level. Islamic education is not just a process of cultivating moral values to fortify itself from the negative excesses of globalization. But the most important thing is how the moral values that have been invested in Islamic education are able to act as a liberating force from the crush of poverty, ignorance and socio-cultural and economic backwardness. This paper aims to explore the role of Islamic education in public social education which is the main foundation of a nation's development.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 747-762
Author(s):  
Abdusamat Akhatovich Khaydarov

Significant geopolitical changes taking place in the modern world in recent decades urge us to take a fresh look at the role of Islam and the clergy in the political processes of a number of countries of the Muslim world. This perspective is especially relevant vis--vis Afghanistan where a fierce war is being waged under the slogans of Islam for more than four decades. The purpose of this research is an in-depth study of the relationship between the state and the Muslim clergy, Islamic institutions in the development of political processes in Afghanistan since the mid-70s of the last century. The article reflects shaping of the Islamic opposition and its efforts to stand up to innovations and reforms during attempts of the Soviet stile modernization in 1978-1992, and then the efforts to democratize Afghan society, undertaken in Afghanistan since the end of 2001 with the assistance of the international community. The work is based on the study of factual historical material, a chronicle of the events of the last decade and personal observations of the author during his work in Afghanistan during the mentioned period. Analytical materials published on the pages of English and Russian mass media were used. The methodological basis of this study is the comparative historical method; the article is based on the principles of historicism, reliability and scientific objectivity. The author concludes that the conflict is based on mistakes and underestimation by the state the role and influence of the Muslim clergy and Islamic institutions of the country. It has been noted that the recently reached US - Taliban agreements, as well as the assistance of such influential players as Russia, sparkle hope for the launch of a direct inter-Afghan negotiation process, which most likely will not be as simple but thorny.


Author(s):  
E. G. Ponomareva

The processes of globalization have determined significant changes in the prerogatives of nation states. In the twenty-first century the state no longer acts as a sole subject having a monopoly of integrating the interests of large social communities and representing them on the world stage. An ever increasing role in the global political process is played by transnational and supranational participants. However, despite the uncertainty and ambiguity of the ways of the development of the modern world, it can be argued that in the foreseeable future it is the states that will maintain the role of the main actors in world politics and bear the responsibility for global security and development. All this naturally makes urgent the issues related to the search for optimal models of nation state development. The article analyzes approaches to understanding patterns, problems and prospects of the development of this institution existing in modern political science. These include the concept of "dimensionality" based on the parameters of scale (the size of the territory) of the states and their functions in the international systems, as well as the "political order". In the latter case the paper analyzes four models: the nation-state, statenation, consociation, quasi-state. The author's position consists in the substantiation of the close dependence of the success of a model of the state on its inner nature, i.e. statehood. On the basis of the elaborated approach the author understands statehood as "the result of historical, economic, political and foreign policy activity of a particular society in order to create a relatively rigid political framework that provides spatial, institutional and functional unity, that is, the condition of the society’s own state, national political system." Thus statehood acts as a qualitative feature of the state.


Author(s):  
Kseniya V. Donik

The article considers the role of Prince A. Menshikov as a specific type of agent of supreme authority in the process of reforming the maritime administration. The problem context of reforms resulted from the involvement of the naval generals and officials in abuses, which was a consequence of nepotism and unrest in the navy. The involvement of sailors in the Decembrist revolt significantly affected the attitude of the tsar to the general situation in the naval environment. Distrustful of the existing naval administration, Nicholas I needed an intermediary who would implement his idea of the arrangement of the navy on the one hand, and provide him with an objective “impartial” account of maritime problems, on the other hand. As a result of that, Adjutant General Prince A. Menshikov, who had had nothing to do with the naval service earlier, joined the navy to become the monarch’s agent in charge of the naval issues in the bodies of autocratic authority. The objective of the article is to identify the functions of such an agent based on the example of the Maritime Department. The sources of the article include official records and personal documents, some of which are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. The principal methodological approach to the problem under study is an attempt to bring the appointment of Menshikov beyond the scope of narrow departmental history which was based on the unmotivated decision of the emperor and to propose an interpretation of the events in the context of tsarist government via agents, which has already been described in historiography. The author makes a conclusion about the interconnection between the crisis in the naval department, the attitude of the supreme authority towards it, and the appearance of the monarch’s agent with a number of his own functional characteristics.


Author(s):  
Jaime Rodríguez Matos

This chapter examines the role of Christianity in the work of José Lezama Lima as it relates to his engagement with Revolutionary politics. The chapter shows the multiple temporalities that the State wields, and contrasts this thinking on temporality with the Christian apocalyptic vision held by Lezama. The chapter is concerned with highlighting the manner in which Lezama unworks Christianity from within. Yet its aim is not to prove yet again that there is a Christian matrix at the heart of modern revolutionary politics. Rather, it shows the way in which the mixed temporalities of the Revolution, already a deconstruction of the idea of the One, still poses a challenge for contemporary radical thought: how to think through the idea that political change is possible precisely because no politics is absolutely grounded. That Lezama illuminates the difficult question of the lack of political foundations from within the Christian matrix indicates that the problem at hand cannot be reduced to an ever more elusive and radical purge of the theological from the political.


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