Discourse structure and political performance in adversarial parliamentary questioning

2008 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Fenton-Smith

One of the most high-profile and glamorous speech situations to occur in many parliamentary democracies around the world is the spectacle of Question Time. Whereas most of what goes on in parliament may be drab, perfunctory and arcane, Question Time is often dramatic, adversarial, and highly publicised. It is, generally, the only parliamentary procedure to be televised and stands out in the public mind as one of the primary tests of a politicians ability to perform. But how might this performance be judged? Strangely, there has been little systematic linguistic research into the characteristic ways in which this political theatre is stage-managed by its actors. Using the Australian federal parliament as a case study, this paper attempts to elucidate some of the patterns that emerge from a close analysis of all opposition questions directed to government members over a weeks sitting of both the House of Representatives and the Senate. Utilising the tools of systemic functional grammar, recurring discourse structures are identified as standard techniques of formal interrogation between political parties.

Author(s):  
Heather Montgomery

If sex tourism is the dark, if debated, side of tourism, then child sex tourism represents the line in the sand that should never be crossed. While sex tourism involving adults provokes a variety of opinions and positions (Cohen, 1982; Oppermann, 1998; Kempadoo et al., 2005; O’Connell-Davidson and Sánchez Taylor, 2005; Sánchez Taylor, 2006; Day, 2007; Eades, 2009), child prostitution involving tourists is universally condemened and high-profile cases, such as the trial of Gary Glitter, point to the depths of public revulsion against such behaviour. The last 20 years have seen vocal campaigns against child sex tourism, resulting in changes in national legislation in many countries, statements and taskforces from the World Tourism Organization, the inauguration of World Congresses against the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children and a universal determination to stamp out a crime and a moral outrage. Despite the public outcry and changes in legislation, however, child sex tourism continues and, in some ways, the moral indignation that the subject arouses obscures certain aspects of the situations in which children caught up in prostitution live and work. There is still a dearth of information about how children meet clients, what is expected of them and their paths in and out of prostitution (Montgomery, 2001a, 2001b). Their clients are even more unknown and there is very little research (as opposed to anecdotal) evidence that discusses their motivations, their modus operandi or their choices about which countries they will visit and where they can find opportunities for sexual activity with children (Ennew, 1986; Montgomery, 2008; for an excellent overview of the available evidence see O’Connell-Davidson, 2005). At both national and international levels, legislation to protect children, although much heralded, has proved inadequate, and left unanswered important questions about enforcement and practical help for the children affected. In this chapter, I examine the legislation in place to tackle the problem of child sex tourism, and contrast this with a case study from Thailand of a small community in which children worked as prostitutes in order to support their parents and themselves. In doing so, I am not arguing for any moral ambivalence or ambiguity in discussions of child sex tourism. Rather, I wish to point out the lacuna between those discussions and the lived realities of the children.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Tezar Arkaansyah Farazian ◽  
Caroline Paskarina

The 2019 Simultaneous General Election was the first election joined by the Indonesia Solidarity Party (Partai Solidaritas Indonesia or popular as PSI) to compete. In the domain of the Regional House of Representatives, the party won the most seats in the Province of the Special Capital Region of Jakarta compared to other provinces that were won by the PSI. This study aims to determine the efforts and strategies used by the Indonesia Solidarity Party, especially in the Province of Jakarta, as well as the image that was generated during the 2019 Simultaneous General Election to the public so that they could win the most seats of the Regional House of Representatives from all other provinces. This study focuses on the realm of political communication and uses the 4Ps political marketing theory (product, promotion, price, place) which was adapted from the marketing theory by Firmanzah. This study also uses a qualitative approach with case study method. The results of the research found that Jakarta Indonesia Solidarity Party focused more on candidates’ campaigns rather than promoting the party as an institution. The use of digital media as a means of promotion during the campaign period was also carried out by the Indonesia Solidarity Party, but conventional methods such as the usage of banners, blusukan (face to face visit) activities, and the distribution of merchandise to the public were also carried out in the context of political marketing by Jakarta Indonesia Solidarity Party.   Received: 11 March 2021 / Accepted: 19 June 2021 / Published: 5 September 2021


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 323-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Grossman-Thompson

In the last 30 years women have been making significant inroads into Nepal's public sphere, troubling long-held normative assumptions about women's place in modern Nepal. In this article I examine the discursive strategies that working-class Nepali women employ to justify and legitimate their presence in Nepal's urban public spaces and simultaneously claim an identity as a modern Nepali woman. Drawing on an ethnographic case study of one group of publicly visible women, female trekking guides, I provide a close analysis of how spatial language is leveraged by both state actors and informants to articulate multiple, sometimes conflicting, messages about Nepali women's “place” in contemporary society. In particular, I focus on the use of spatial metaphors, showing how informants use terms such as inside, outside, forward, and backward to locate themselves within narratives of modernity, development, and national progress. I conclude by showing that unlike women in other examples from the global South, who have framed their emergent presence in the public sphere as an extension of a traditionally feminine and domestic role, informants in the present case study appropriate a masculine language of overt publicness and mobility to justify their visibility. In so doing, informants author themselves as agents of modernity rather than objects of the state's development efforts.


2019 ◽  
pp. 93-110
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Ciślar

After the collapse of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria many states faced the problem of the foreign fighters wanting to return. Some governments refused to accept their citizens arguing that they pose too much of a threat to the public. Are the governments across the world justified to revoke the citizenships of the former members of the Caliphate? Do states have a responsibility for their own citizens and are obligated to help them no matter the circumstances? These are the questions that this article examines from the legal and political point of view. The article examines a high profile case study of Shamima Begun – a former jihadi wife, who travelled to Syria as a teenager, caught in a battle for her British citizenship


1966 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 627-639 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leo M. Snowiss

This is a study of the relationship between local political organization, candidate recruitment, and representation in the United States House of Representatives. It seeks to ascertain the effects which different systems of recruitment have upon the kinds of men who enter public life and the public policies they espouse. A case study of metropolitan Chicago is used to demonstrate the utility of this kind of analysis. The objective is to distinguish distinct systems of recruitment in the Chicago area, describe the factors associated with each, and note the consequences of each for representation in Congress.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Panagiotis Tsigaris ◽  
Jaime A. Teixeira da Silva

Abstract The intersection between academia and social media is gradually overlapping. The ability to vent personal and professional discord online, either through blogs or social media, has had both positive and negative consequences on academic communication, with the public and/or in the public domain. ResearchGate (RG) is one of the most popular academic social media sites that allows commenting, either in response to published papers or to questions that are posed on that platform. This paper explores an important aspect of a high-profile, topical and controversial 2017 paper (Derek Pyne; Journal of Scholarly Publishing; DOI: 10.3138/jsp.48.3.137) that had based itself on a flawed blacklist created by Jeffrey Beall. In that paper, unfounded claims were made regarding financial rewards as remuneration schemes at a “small business school” in Canada related to publishing papers in “predatory” journals, i.e., in open access journals that were blacklisted by Beall. Based on those claims, Pyne used RG as a platform to target academics at his research institute. Pyne could have, but did not, use the scholarly platform to engage with his colleagues in an academic debate about his controversial findings, causing personal disrepute on three occasions. Consequently, RG was contacted with a claim of defamation on each occasion. Within hours of each claim, Pyne’s comments were deleted. In early May, RG also erased his social media account. The issue of actual or potential insults in the public domain, such as on blogs, is rarely discussed, much less related to academic social media sites like RG. This case study, and the issues discussed herein related to social media more broadly, will be useful for academics to better navigate increasingly challenging publishing waters.


Author(s):  
PS Berge

In the summer of 2020, dozens of high-profile influencers in videogaming entertainment were accused of sexual harassment and predatory behavior. Among these, popular gaming YouTuber Craig Thompson (username 'Mini Ladd') confessed on Twitter to grooming minors but resumed uploading content to his YouTube channel one month later, resulting in public outcry. Thompson’s return to YouTube provides a case study in how predatory influencers can manipulate affordances across platforms, especially on YouTube, to insulate themselves from accountability and maintain their platform. Using scraped data from Twitter (34k tweets) and YouTube (62k comments and video network data), this article uses a mixed-methods social network analysis (Burgess and Matamoros-Fernández 2016) to map the public effort to deplatform Mini Ladd. This case study raises questions about cross-platform insulation and audience manipulation, by demonstrating how a predatory influencer 1) censored keywords in his comments to obfuscate criticism 2) gamed YouTube’s video algorithms to avoid references to his scandal and 3) redirected harassment onto his own fanbase. Ultimately, I argue that predatory influencers manipulate YouTube’s platform affordances to insulate themselves from accountability in the absence of moderation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Musa Musa

This research was conducted to determine the Effectiveness of Jakarta Siaga 112 Emergency Services in Fire Management by UPT. Disaster Data & Information Center of BPBD DKI Jakarta Province by paying attention to aspects contained in the Effectiveness of the Jakarta Siaga Emergency Service Program 112. The research method was carried out with a case study method with data collection techniques using interview methods and document review. Interviews were conducted on 10 (ten) key informants, document review focused on documents related to the Jakarta Emergency Alert Service 112 Effectiveness research in Fire Management. The results showed that the Effectiveness of Jakarta Siaga 112 Emergency Services in Fire Management by UPT. The Center for Disaster Data & Information BPBD DKI Jakarta Province Its effectiveness is still low, due to the Implementation of Emergency Services Jakarta Standby 112 in Fire Management implemented by UPT. Disaster Data & Information Center of BPBD DKI Jakarta Province in terms of the Target Group Understanding of the Program, the Achievement of the Program Objectives aspects, and the Program Follow-up aspects. It is recommended to continue to disseminate this Emergency Service to the public, it is necessary to increase the firm commitment of the Head of 8 SKPD related to fire management so that all units play a role in accordance with the Standard Operating Procedures (SOPs) for Fire Management and the evaluation and follow-up of program services that are held periodically 3 once a month.Keywords: Effectiveness, Emergency Services, Fire Handling


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Onsardi Onsardi

The title of this study is the Strategy of Increasing Consumer Food Loyalty in CurupCity, Rejang Lebong Regency (Case Study in "Henvian" Typical Food Industry). Thisresearch is based on the importance of strategies in increasing business and consumerloyalty to products sold.Strategies to increase business and consumer loyalty can bedone with a SWOT analysis. Place of this research is the "Henvian" shop that sellstypical Rejang lebong food. The method used in this study is descriptive qualitative.Informants in this study were people who were considered to know for certain about theHENVIAN Specialty Food Store in Curup City, Rejang Lebong Regency. The dataanalysis technique used in this study is a SWOT analysis to determine the strengths,weaknesses, opportunities and threats in a typical Rejang Lebong food business.By using SWOT analysis techniques that consist of strengths (weakness), weaknesses(weakness), opportunities (opportnity) and threats (threath). The results of this studycan be concluded that the internal factors that are the strength of the marketing strategyare the quality of the product that is good at a price affordable to the public andtourists, service that is friendly and responsive to consumer needs, as well astechnological advancements that facilitate the promotion of business. Internal factorsthat are a weakness are often lack of stock, there are some products that do not meet thestandard packaging, the product shelf life is short, employees do not use uniforms.External factors that become opportunities are a fairly high economic community,abundant raw materials while external factors that are a threat are the manycompetitors, an unstable economy, the price of basic needs increases. Based on theresults of the SWOT analysis of internal and external factors, the strategy used is toimprove product quality by improving the appearance of packaging and quality ofcontent and quality of service by providing uniforms to employees and providingstandards of service to consumers. .Keywords: Strategy, Consumer Loyalty, SWOT


Author(s):  
Halyna Shchyhelska

2018 marks the 100th anniversary of the proclamation of Ukrainian independence. OnJanuary 22, 1918, the Ukrainian People’s Republic proclaimed its independence by adopting the IV Universal of the Ukrainian Central Rada, although this significant event was «wiped out» from the public consciousness on the territory of Ukraine during the years of the Soviet totalitarian regime. At the same time, January 22 was a crucial event for the Ukrainian diaspora in the USA. This article examines how American Ukrainians interacted with the USA Government institutions regarding the celebration and recognition of the Ukrainian Independence day on January 22. The attention is focused on the activities of ethnic Ukrainians in the United States, directed at the organization of the special celebration of the Ukrainian Independence anniversaries in the US Congress and cities. Drawing from the diaspora press and Congressional Records, this article argues that many members of Congress participated in the observed celebration and expressed kind feelings to the Ukrainian people, recognised their fight for freedom, during the House of Representatives and Senate sessions. Several Congressmen submitted the resolutions in the US Congress urging the President of United States to designate January 22 as «Ukrainian lndependence Day». January 22 was proclaimed Ukrainian Day by the governors of fifteen States and mayors of many cities. Keywords: January 22, Ukrainian independence day, Ukrainian diaspora, USA, interaction, Congress


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