Forging strategic partnership in the Indo–Pacific region: a Vietnam’s diplomatic direction

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Lena Le ◽  
Khac Nam Hoang
Author(s):  
E. A. Kanaev ◽  
A. S. Korolev

The article aims to specify the influence of the projects the Greater Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific Region on the prospective relations between Russia and ASEAN. The key component of its novelty is the authors’ original criteria of comparing the two projects: the degree of consolidating agenda of cooperation between their current and prospective participants, the congruence with the East Asia’s – assuming that it will be the economic driver of the forthcoming Greater Eurasia and Indo-Pacific Region – modality of multilateral dialogue and the preconditions for the survivability of both projects in the long-term perspective. Making this comparison, the authors substantiate the view that the Greater Euraya  sian Partnership is far more competitive that the Indo-Pacific Region. Exploring cooperation between Russia and ASEAN through the prism of their forthcoming strategic partnership, the authors offer an original interpretation of the reasons behind the presently insufficient cooperation and its most likely future directions proceeding from the mutual influence of Russia’s and ASEAN’s prospective planning and the emerging global context. In the near future, combating international terrorism and strengthening connectivity will come to the forefront of Russia’s and ASEAN’s priorities, with the focus shifting from Southeast Asia to the Eurasian area. In the authors’ view, if the present trends continue the aftereffects of the Indo-Pacific Region can stimulate downward trends in the Russia-ASEAN relationship. This will be premised upon the decrease in effectiveness of the Asia-Pacific multilateral dialogue platforms, likely Russian-Chinese joint maneuvers in the South China Sea and the necessity to specify, along with lack of impressive results, the essence of the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between Russia and Vietnam as the foundation for the Russia-ASEAN strategic partnership. In its turn, the Greater Eurasia offers Russia and the association new promising possibilities, among which of particular importance are the development of connectivity narrative in Eurasia and combating international terrorism by means of adopting the ASEAN-led dialogue platforms ARF, ADMM+8 and EAS to the future system of security, cooperation and co-development from Lisbon to Jakarta. The realization of the forthcoming shift from the Asian century to the Eurasian century and the emergence of the Greater Eurasia as the second center in the global politics will allow Russia and the association to expand and diversify their cooperation and, in perspective, to develop it on the self-supporting and self-reproducing basis. 


Author(s):  
Lyudmila A. Pechishcheva ◽  
◽  
Konstantin A. Korneev ◽  

In the 21 st century, India–Japan strategic cooperation is gradu- ally reaching a new level. Earlier the relations between countries were more declarative, but the situation has changed since the beginning of the 2000s. New agreements are being concluded, and the y assume practical implemen- tation in addition to the frameworks. On the one hand, for Japan, India is becoming more important not only as an economic partner (a huge market for Japanese industrial products and digital technologies), but also as a like- minded partner in curbing China’s trade and economic expansion. On the other hand, in partnership with Japan India sees opportunities to attract Japanese investment in the development of domestic infrastructure, and also seeks a moderate expansion of military-technical cooperation, since it cor - responds to the policy of maintaining the country’s “non-aligned” status and its equidistance from existing geopolitical coalitions. In addition, India, that calls itself the “largest Asian democracy”, currently has territorial disputes with Pakistan and China, so a strategic partnership with Japan, which clearly interprets China’s growing influence as a challenge to its national interests in the Indo-Pacific region, can somewhat strengthen India’s position in the international arena. Thus, over the past two decades, the bedrock for further strengthening the strategic partnership between India and Japan has been formed, and it is obvious that the development of that partnership is about to have a great impact on the future geopolitical configuration in the Indo- Pacific region.


Significance Harris visited Singapore and Vietnam, both of which figure heavily in US security policy in the region. In Singapore, she weathered criticism of the US withdrawal from Afghanistan. In Hanoi, she proposed talks about a strategic partnership, which would mean a significant upgrade to relations with Vietnam. Impacts The Afghanistan withdrawal will make alliances and US reliability central issues in upcoming elections in Japan and South Korea. Japan will strengthen its emerging security cooperation with India, shoring up its defence in the west of the Indo-Pacific region. To test US commitment to the region after the Afghanistan withdrawal, China and North Korea will be increasingly provocative.


2020 ◽  
pp. 5-20
Author(s):  
Zolboo Dashnyam ◽  
Byambakhand Luguusharav

Mongolia’s security primarily depends on how the country develops respective bilateral relations with its neighbors and great powers including the United States. In this sense, it is important to examine U.S. foreign policy, in particular, its Asia policy as well as interests pursued by Washington while promoting bilateral relations with Mongolia, as the nexus between those parties should be considered in foreign policymaking of Mongolia. On the other hand, relations with Mongolia has been a part of U.S. policy towards the Asia-Pacific region. However, under the leadership of President Trump, the U.S. administration re-defined its policy towards the region by replacing Asia-Pacific with the label of Indo-Pacific. Only two years later since Mongolia and the United States marked the 30th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations, the two countries elevated their ties to a strategic partnership in 2019. In this article, the authors seek to explain what is the Indo-Pacific partnership and express their views. Энэтхэг-Номхон далайн бүс дэх АНУ-ын гадаад бодлого ба Монгол Улс, АНУ-ын стратегийн түншлэл   Хураангуй: Монгол Улсын аюулгүй байдалд эерэг, сөрөг нөлөө бүхий байдал үүсэх нь хоёр хөрш болон АНУ-тай харилцаагаа хэрхэн төлөвшүүлэх, тэдгээрийн ашиг сонирхлын шүтэлцээнд хэрхэн оролцохоос хамаарна. Иймээс Америкийн гадаад бодлого, харилцаа холбоог судлах нь түүний Азид явуулж буй бодлого, түүний дотор Монголтой харилцаж буй ашиг сонирхлын уялдааг судлах, улмаар Монгол Улсын АНУ-тай харилцах бодлогыг тодорхойлоход чухал. Нөгөө талаар, Монгол Улстай харилцах нь АНУ-ын Ази, Номхон далайн бүс нутагт чиглэсэн бодлогын нэг хэсэг байсаар ирсэн. Ерөнхийлөгч Д.Трампын засаг захиргаа дээр дурдсан бүс нутгийн нэршил, ойлголтыг өөрчлөн энэ бүс нутагт чиглэсэн бодлогоо Энэтхэг-Номхон далайн стратеги хэмээн тодорхойлох болов. 1987 онд дипломат харилцаа тогтоон, гурван жилийн өмнө дипломат харилцаа тогтоосны 30 жилийн ойг өргөн хүрээнд тэмдэглэсэн Монгол-АНУ-ын харилцаа 2019 онд шат ахин “Стратегийн түншлэл” болон хэлбэржлээ. Энэхүү өгүүллийн эхний хэсэгт АНУ-ын дэвшүүлсэн Энэтхэг-Номхон далайн стратеги гэгч юу болох, энэхүү стратегийн хүрээнд Монгол-АНУ харилцааны онцлог байдлын талаар судлаачийн байр сууриа илэрхийлэв. Түлхүүр үгс:  АНУ, Энэтхэг-Номхон далай, Монгол Улс, гуравдагч хөршийн бодлого, стратегийн түншлэл 


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hendra Manurung

Since 2017 to 2018, the world has been living through a period of progressive erosion, or collapse, of international orders have inherited from the Cold-War. Through the election of Donald Trump in 2016 and the rapid increase of U.S aggressive containment policy of Russia and China, which is both a consequence of the gradual erosion which represents deep internal and international contradictions as this process, entered its critical point. Therefore, in responding to the dynamic changes in International Relations, Kremlin has proactively proposed the Greater Eurasian Partnership for the international cooperation agenda in order to adopt within Belt and Road Initiative. This research attempts to assess the linking possibility of the Greater Eurasia integrate with the Belt and Road Initiative for improving cooperation in explanatory research that can be one of the major indicator to implement Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping agenda-setting in the Indo-Pacific region. The strategic partnership between the development strategies of Russia and China in bilateral, regional, and global relations lays the foundation of improvement cooperation between a number of countries, regions, and organizations. Thus, for the Eurasian Partnership to succeed in the context of Indo-Pacific development, it must strictly comply to World Trade Organization (WTO) rules and take a tolerant attitude toward the diverse mechanisms for cooperation that various countries and regions have developed through. Keywords: Russia, China, Greater Eurasia, Belt and Road Initiative, Indo-Pacific Region   Abstrak   Sejak 2017 hingga 2018, dunia telah mengalami masa erosi progresif, atau runtuhnya tatanan internasional yang diwarisi dari Perang Dingin. Melalui pemilihan Donald Trump pada tahun 2016 dan peningkatan pesat kebijakan penangkalan agresif Amerika Serikat atas Rusia dan Tiongkok, yang keduanya merupakan konsekuensi dari erosi bertahap yang mewakili kontradiksi internal dan internasional yang mendalam ketika proses ini, memasuki titik kritisnya. Oleh karena itu, dalam menanggapi perubahan dinamis dalam Hubungan Internasional, Kremlin telah secara proaktif mengusulkan Kemitraan Eurasia Besar untuk agenda kerja sama internasional agar dapat diadopsi dalam Belt and Road Initiative. Penelitian ini mencoba untuk menilai kemungkinan keterkaitan Eurasia Besar dengan Inisiatif Sabuk dan Jalan untuk meningkatkan kerja sama dalam penelitian penjelas yang dapat menjadi salah satu indikator utama untuk mengimplementasikan Vladimir Putin dan penetapan agenda Xi Jinping di kawasan Indo-Pasifik. Kemitraan strategis antara strategi pembangunan Rusia dan Cina dalam hubungan bilateral, regional, dan global meletakkan fondasi peningkatan kerjasama antara sejumlah negara, wilayah, dan organisasi. Dengan demikian, agar Kemitraan Eurasia berhasil dalam konteks pembangunan Indo-Pasifik, ia harus benar-benar mematuhi aturan Organisasi Perdagangan Dunia (WTO) dan mengambil sikap toleran terhadap beragam mekanisme kerja sama yang telah dikembangkan oleh berbagai negara dan wilayah. Kata-kata kunci: Rusia, Tiongkok, Terbesar Eurasia, Inisiatif Sabuk dan Jalan, kawasan Indo-Pasifik  


2016 ◽  
Vol I (II) ◽  
pp. 30-44
Author(s):  
Niaz Ali Sardar ◽  
Khan Afraid Manzoor ◽  
Naazer Manzoor Ahmad

Due to unprecedented rise of China in the economic, political and social domains world is shifting its strategic focus from the European Politics to both continental and maritime domains of Asia resulting in a challenge for the US and its allies. US, China and India are tied into strategic ingredients of cooperation, competition and containment. US intends to assign India an appropriate, competitive and probable offshore balancing role against China - that is, a strategy of balancing without containment. Engaging into an active conflict is not envisaged due to close integration of these powers in terms of economic, political, social and cultural domains. Indo US close strategic coordination is win-win situation for both the countries. India may become an offshore balancing power for US to retain its influence in Asia Pacific region against China and its allies; On the other hand it brings treasure of opportunities for India to strengthen its military arsenal with open doors of US sophisticated technology with the co-production and co-development framework. This generous access to the state of the art military hardware would enhance India's power projection capabilities to the maximum, posing security implications for neighbors' and adversaries to India. Moreover growing Indo US nexus aiming balancing and containment of China has serious regional strategic security implications.


Author(s):  
D. Yakimova ◽  
Yu. Dzis

The article is devoted to the analysis of partnership relations between the Russian Federation and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The study is relevant as in 2018 at the summit in Singapore the Russia-ASEAN dialogue was brought to the level of strategic partnership, and today active and dynamic relations are being formed between Russia and ASEAN, stimulating foreign economic and trade activities. Special attention is paid to cooperation during the Coronavirus pandemic. Russia’s practical role in strengthening ASEAN’s positions in the Asia-Pacific region is also analyzed. The article focuses on both the achievements and the problems of bilateral relations, as well as on outlining the prospects for their further development. The author comes to the conclusion that nowadays the presence of political will allows Russia and ASEAN to develop their relations quite dynamically, and the parties solve any problems in the spirit of mutual understanding and respect, which outlines rather broad prospects for cooperation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (12) ◽  
pp. 48-56

The following topics are under this section: Australian cancer care provider expands to Asia Pacific as part of its mission to reduce global cancer burden Strategic partnership to aid Real World Evidence (RWE) studies in ASEAN BC Platforms establishes new entity in Singapore to spearhead activities in Asia Pacific region. Digital therapeutics reaching new heights, efforts put forward by Biofourmis Nine winners honoured for their contributions to the Singapore research Community Launch of Digital Ecosystem of Model Factories Initiative Inaugural ELDEX Asia medical conference showcases international suppliers of the silver economy SFF x SWITCH closes successfully with more than 60,000 participants after a week-long event Ground-breaking technologies and opportunities for businesses for exponential growth Spotlight on advancements in cancer preventions, treatment and care at the ESMO Asia Congress 2019 Ageing and Health Conference for Policymakers and Researchers in Asia Using deep technology to change the way healthcare is delivered


Author(s):  
Viraj Solanki

Defence and security cooperation between India and Vietnam is an increasingly important area of the India–Vietnam ‘comprehensive strategic partnership’. This wide-ranging cooperation includes government-to-government dialogues, bilateral agreements, defence lines of credit, prospective defence procurements, maritime cooperation and multilateral cooperation. Cooperation has been formalised and expanded through a series of bilateral defence and security agreements to provide a basis for enhancing relations, which have been further developed through regular government-to-government dialogues. The defence and security dialogues and agreements have provided a framework for practical cooperation between the two countries’ militaries, which includes a focus on defence training, military exercises and discussions for the sale of different Indian arms equipment to Vietnam. Maritime cooperation between India and Vietnam has been the most significant element of bilateral defence and security cooperation, and both sides have found mutual convergences on cooperation in the South China Sea and the wider Indo-Pacific region. Relations between the two countries have also strengthened multilaterally on defence and security issues, including through the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. There are opportunities to further strengthen the India–Vietnam defence and security relationship, both bilaterally and with third countries.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document