Western Sahara

Author(s):  
Francesco Correale

The Western Sahara (WS) is a 266,000 square kilometer area between North Africa and the Atlantic Ocean. In a conventional way, it is divided into two main regions: the northern Saguiat al-Hamra and the southern Wadi al-Dhahab (Río de Oro). Its borders (with Morocco to the north, Algeria to the east, and Mauritania to the east and south) were established by the colonial powers’ endorsement of French-Spanish agreements signed in the first decade of the 20th century. Its inhabitants, an Arabic-Berbers mélange, had a tribe-structure social organization, driven by a hierarchical principle (the warriors, the religious men, the artisans, etc.). They practiced nomadism throughout the entire western Saharan region. Currenty, Sahrawi people are divided into three main groups: those living in the refugee camps near the Algerian town of Tindouf (approximately 170,000 persons), those living in the territories occupied by Moroccan forces (approximately 65,000 persons), and the Sahrawi diaspora. The Western Sahara is the bigger African territory inscribed in the Non-Self-Governing Territories list recognized by the Special Political and Decolonization Committee of the UN General Assembly. It is actually disputed by both the Polisario Front, the nationalist movement of Sahrawi people created in May 1973 to fight against the Spanish domination, which declared its independence as the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) in February 1976 and today is established in 20 percent of the territory, and Morocco, occupying the Western Sahara from 1975. After the long lasting Spanish domination (1884–1976), in 1975 the Madrid Treaty was signed by the Spanish, Moroccan, and Mauritanian governments. This agreement divided WS into two parts, a solution opposed by the Polisario Front, who then started fighting against both Mauritania (until 1979) and Morocco (until 1991), supported by the Algerian and (for a time) Libyan governments. At present, Morocco occupies the 80 percent of the area it defines as “Southern Provinces.” The two parties are separated in a longitudinal sense by a military berm of some 2,700 kilometers from southern Morocco to the southern border with Mauritania. The Moroccan occupation of Western Sahara has never been recognized by any other national government. Instead, almost 80 countries have recognized the SADR since 1975. A self-determination referendum for the Sahrawi people has been endorsed by the UN since 1965 and was foreseen in the armistice treaty of 1991, but it remains unimplemented. The UN mission MINURSO monitors the observance of the cease-fire but its task is also to organize the referendum on self-determination.

Refuge ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 30-41
Author(s):  
Randa Farah

This article examines the education strategy of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), the state-in-exile with partial sovereignty on “borrowed territory” in Algeria. The article, which opens with a historical glance at the conflict, argues that SADR’s education program not only succeeded in fostering self-reliance by developing skilled human resources, but was forward looking, using education as a vehicle to instill “new traditions of citizenship” and a new imagined national community, in preparation for future repatriation. In managing refugee camps as provinces of a state, the boundaries between the “refugee” as status and the “citizen” as a political identity were blurred. However,the stalled decolonization process and prolonged exile produced new challenges and consequences. Rather than using the skilled human resources in an independent stat eof Western Sahara, the state-in-limbo forced SADR andthe refugees to adapt to a deadlocked conflict, but not necessarily with negative outcomes to the national project.


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-99
Author(s):  
Irene Fernández-Molina ◽  
Raquel Ojeda-García

AbstractThis article argues that the “declarative” parastate of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) claiming sovereignty over Western Sahara is better understood as a hybrid between a parastate and a state-in-exile. It relies more on external, “international legal sovereignty,” than on internal, “Westphalian” and “domestic” sovereignty. While its Algerian operational base in the Tindouf refugee camps makes it work as a primarily extraterritorial state-in-exile de facto, the SADR maintains control over one quarter of Western Sahara’s territory proper allowing it to at least partially meet the requirements for declarative statehood de jure. Many case-specific nuances surround the internal sovereignty of the SADR in relation to criteria for statehood: territory, population, and government. However, examining this case in a comparative light reveals similarities with other (secessionist) parastates. The SADR exists within the context of a frozen conflict, where the stalemate has been reinforced by an ineffective internationally brokered peace settlement and the indefinite presence of international peacekeeping forces. Global powers have played a major role in prolonging the conflict’s status quo while the specific resilience of the SADR as a parastate has been ensured by support from Algeria as an external sponsor. The path to sovereignty appears to be blocked in every possible way.


2017 ◽  
pp. 66-72
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Cherkasova

The article is dedicated to one of the most important problems of Spain’s foreign policy, namely the problem of the two Spanish enclaves located on the territory of Morocco - Ceuta and Melilla. The historical and legal provisions form the basis of arguments of the Spanish and Moroccan parts justifying their claim to these disputed territories. A comparison is made between the problems of Ceuta and Melilla and Gibraltar.Particular attention is paid to the question of whether they are covered by NATO’s security guarantee. The author substantiates that Morocco is using the issue of Ceuta and Melilla as a means of pressure on Spain to get benefits in other areas, including trade, immigration, and fishing. Rabat also seeks to force Spain to change its position on the Western Sahara. The current situation of the Spanish cities in the light of their current economic, migratory and political problems is analyzed. It isemphasized that illegal immigration mostly from sub-Saharan countries is one of the main problems of the Spanish-Moroccan relations, complicating the situation in Ceuta and Melilla. This problem is far from being resolved. The main task of the Western countries regarding this issue is the maintenance of stability in the region, which perfectly meets the interests of Spain. Madrid’s efforts are focused primarily on prevention of such development of political and economic situation which would put the country before the need to strengthen its southern border by military means. This strategic objective has become particularly relevant in light of recent events in North Africa.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (8) ◽  
pp. 61-71
Author(s):  
F. Trunov

The article examines the process of the growing German political and military activity in North Africa during the second half of the 2010s. The first key reason of this process was the new awareness of the regional role in the ensuring of Germany’s and the EU security. During and after the “Arab Spring”, the interstate “corridor of instability” arose. It went from Mali further to Niger and Libya which has been facing permanent instability after the intervention of the group of Western countries (2011, without German participation). The full-fledged functioning of the “corridor of instability” could cause the worse version of the refugee crisis and growing terrorist activity than it was in the EU in 2015–2016. The second reason was the necessity to ensure Berlin`s strong political-military positions in North Africa for the realization of Germany`s ambitions as a future world power. The research examines the features and “narrow places” of interstate cooperation in the security sphere between Germany and Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria. Germany became a senior partner for Tunisia in 2015–2017, and positioned these relations as exemplary. Since 2015–2016, Germany and Egypt have been supporting the realization of each other’s leadership ambitions. The key elements of this tactic have been the cooperation in Syrian and Libyan armed conflicts regulation and launch of the EU–LAS negotiation format (2019). The article also shows the dynamics of partnership between Germany and Algeria, paying special attention to bilateral cooperation in the sphere of the Mali, Libyan and Western Sahara conflicts regulation. The transition of Germany’s bilateral relations with Egypt and Algeria to the level of advanced cooperation in the second half of 2010s caused a powerful growth of the FRG`s arms export to these countries. At the beginning of 2020, Germany launched the multilateral Berlin conference for resolution of the Libyan conflict. Germany’s late but rather successful involvement in the Libyan conflict management should ensure its efforts to become the external participant of the North African regional security system. The paper concludes about the perspectives of the FRG`s political-military line in the region considering the factor of COVID 19 pandemic.


Author(s):  
Luis Gimenez Amoros

This article examines the mobility of a precolonial musical style known as Haul music in two African countries, Western Sahara and Mauritania. Haul music is based on a modal system in which music and poetry are intrinsically related. This article traces the historical and musicological aspects of the Haul modal system in Western Sahara and Mauritania by offering an insight into how the postcolonial period has determined two narratives of Haul: a historical nationalism by way of revitalising the precolonial past in Mauritania; and political nationalism when reconsidering the ongoing process of decolonisation in Western Sahara and the exile of its people to the refugee camps of the Hamada desert since 1975. Further, this article shows how the mobility of the Haul modal system provides a reconsideration of a precolonial past in existing music cultures in North Africa.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carmen Gómez Martín

The Sahrawi people, who have long lived in the western part of the Sahara, have been housed in refugee camps in Tindouf, Algeria, since 1975—the year that Morocco took de facto control of Western Sahara. Their situation poses many questions, including those regarding the status of their state-in-exile, the role of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, and the length of their displacement. The conditions in the Tindouf camps present a paradigmatic case study of the liminal space inhabited by long-term refugees. Over the decades, residents have transformed these camps into a state-like structure with their own political and administrative institutions, which has enabled the international community to gain time to search for an acceptable political solution to the long-term conflict between the Polisario Front (the Sahrawi rebel national liberation movement) and the Moroccan government. The existence of a state-like structure, however, should not itself be understood as the ultimate solution for the thousands of people in these camps, who are currently living in extreme poverty, surviving on increasingly meager international aid, and enduring an exceptionally long wait for the favorable conditions whereby they may return to their place of origin.


Author(s):  
Feiko Kalsbeek ◽  
Lilian Skjernaa

NOTE: This article was published in a former series of GEUS Bulletin. Please use the original series name when citing this article, for example: Kalsbeek, F., & Skjernaa, L. (1999). The Archaean Atâ intrusive complex (Atâ tonalite), north-east Disko Bugt, West Greenland. Geology of Greenland Survey Bulletin, 181, 103-112. https://doi.org/10.34194/ggub.v181.5118 _______________ The 2800 Ma Atâ intrusive complex (elsewhere referred to as ‘Atâ granite’ or ‘Atâ tonalite’), which occupies an area of c. 400 km2 in the area north-east of Disko Bugt, was emplaced into grey migmatitic gneisses and supracrustal rocks. At its southern border the Atâ complex is cut by younger granites. The complex is divided by a belt of supracrustal rocks into a western, mainly tonalitic part, and an eastern part consisting mainly of granodiorite and trondhjemite. The ‘eastern complex’ is a classical pluton. It is little deformed in its central part, displaying well-preserved igneous layering and local orbicular textures. Near its intrusive contact with the overlying supracrustal rocks the rocks become foliated, with foliation parallel to the contact. The Atâ intrusive complex has escaped much of the later Archaean and early Proterozoic deformation and metamorphism that characterises the gneisses to the north and to the south; it belongs to the best-preserved Archaean tonalite-trondhjemite-granodiorite intrusions in Greenland.


1997 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-187
Author(s):  
Arif Sultan

Within a short span of time a number of economic blocs have emergedon the world horizon. In this race, all countriedeveloped, developingand underdeveloped-are included. Members of the North America FreeTrade Agreement (NAITA) and the European Economic Community(EEC) are primarily of the developed countries, while the EconomicCooperation Organization (ECO) and the Association of South EastAsian Nations (ASEAN) are of the developing and underdevelopedAsian countries.The developed countries are scrambling to create hegemonies throughthe General Agreement on Tariff and Trade (GATT). In these circumstances,economic cooperation among Muslim countries should be onthe top of their agenda.Muslim countries today constitute about one-third of the membershipof the United Nations. There are around 56 independentMuslim states with a population of around 800 million coveringabout 20 percent of the land area of the world. Stretchingbetween Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans, the Muslim Worldstraddles from North Africa to Indonesia, in two major Islamicblocs, they are concentrated in the heart of Africa to Indonesia,in two major blocs, they are concentrated in the heart of Africaand Asia and a smaller group in South and Southeast Asia.'GATT is a multilateral agreement on tariffs and trade establishing thecode of rules, regulations, and modalities regulating and operating internationaltrade. It also serves as a forum for discussions and negotiations ...


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 2187
Author(s):  
Caroline Cazin ◽  
Yasmine Boumerdassi ◽  
Guillaume Martinez ◽  
Selima Fourati Ben Mustapha ◽  
Marjorie Whitfield ◽  
...  

Acephalic spermatozoa syndrome (ASS) is a rare but extremely severe type of teratozoospermia, defined by the presence of a majority of headless flagella and a minority of tail-less sperm heads in the ejaculate. Like the other severe monomorphic teratozoospermias, ASS has a strong genetic basis and is most often caused by bi-allelic variants in SUN5 (Sad1 and UNC84 domain-containing 5). Using whole exome sequencing (WES), we investigated a cohort of nine infertile subjects displaying ASS. These subjects were recruited in three centers located in France and Tunisia, but all originated from North Africa. Sperm from subjects carrying candidate genetic variants were subjected to immunofluorescence analysis and transmission electron microscopy. Moreover, fluorescent in situ hybridization (FISH) was performed on sperm nuclei to assess their chromosomal content. Variant filtering permitted us to identify the same SUN5 homozygous frameshift variant (c.211+1_211+2dup) in 7/9 individuals (78%). SUN5 encodes a protein localized on the posterior part of the nuclear envelope that is necessary for the attachment of the tail to the sperm head. Immunofluorescence assays performed on sperm cells from three mutated subjects revealed a total absence of SUN5, thus demonstrating the deleterious impact of the identified variant on protein expression. Transmission electron microscopy showed a conserved flagellar structure and a slightly decondensed chromatin. FISH did not highlight a higher rate of chromosome aneuploidy in spermatozoa from SUN5 patients compared to controls, indicating that intra-cytoplasmic sperm injection (ICSI) can be proposed for patients carrying the c.211+1_211+2dup variant. These results suggest that the identified SUN5 variant is the main cause of ASS in the North African population. Consequently, a simple and inexpensive genotyping of the 211+1_211+2dup variant could be beneficial for affected men of North African origin before resorting to more exhaustive genetic analyses.


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