Labyrinths as Figures

Author(s):  
Gaetana Marrone

Rosi’s groundbreaking trilogy Salvatore Giuliano, Il caso Mattei, and Lucky Luciano addresses the profound cultural and political transformations of postwar Italy. In Salvatore Giuliano (1962), which concerns the enigmatic death of the legendary folk hero, Rosi offers a complex portrait of Sicilian society violently ruled by the Mafia in collusion with the police and the state. Il caso Mattei (The Mattei Affair, 1972) investigates the suspicious death of one of the most influential figures in the postwar economic boom. Lucky Luciano (1973), the treacherous figure of organized crime, is at the center of Rosi’s inquiry into the Mafia’s labyrinthine web of political alliances. Deploying his own metodo dell'inchiesta (“method of inquiry”), Rosi digs beneath the surface of official accounts of these public scandals, unearthing an underlying pattern of corrupt and lethal connections. His open endings attest to his belief in the director’s ethical responsibility to create an actively engaged spectatorship.

2002 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 37-55
Author(s):  
Louise I. Shelley

The murder of Valentin Tsvetkov, the governor of Magadan in central Moscow in broad day light in October 2002 highlights that organized crime and corruption are still alive and well and highly destructive of life and governance in Russia (Wines, 2002). His murder once again raises the question, “Why has Russia not been able to stop organized crime and high level corruption?” The answer is that Russia docs not have the political will at the national, regional or local level to fight these problems. This is true because the Kremlin and economic elite push their personal interests over those of the state and the society. Structural problems such as low salaries of state personnel and the embedding of organized crime and corruption make reform very difficult.


Author(s):  
Julián López Muñoz

Existe la necesidad de crear un concepto o definir, en términos jurídicos, el significado de crimen organizado, en sentido global. A pesar de que Naciones Unidas lo ha intentado, no todos sus países miembros han seguido el mandato. España ha incluido en su Derecho Penal un nuevo tipo delictivo: la organización y el grupo criminal. El orden público, como bien jurídico superior, se verá con esta medida protegido y también el Estado se verá defendido de la acción desestabilizadora procedente de la «gran criminalidad».There is a need to create a concept or define globally, in legal terms, the meaning of the organized crime. Despite the United Nations have attempted it, not all the Member Countries have followed their mandate. Spain has included in its Criminal Law a new category of offence: the criminal organization and group. The public order, as a superior legal right, will be protected by this measure and also, the State will be defended against the destabilizing action from the «great criminality».


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 198-203
Author(s):  
Adilet Merkanov ◽  

Nowadays in Kyrgyz Republic take a place huge reforms of prosecutors. The implementation of national projects requires a new quality of prosecutorial oversight so that the human rights and law enforcement potential of the prosecutor’s office really contributes to the development of a democratic rule of law. The prosecutor's office as one of the state legal institutions plays an extremely important role in the public and state life of the Kyrgyz Republic. As you know, the successful implementation of socio-economic and socio-political transformations in the state largely depends on existing laws, the observance of which the prosecutor's office is called upon to monitor.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-118
Author(s):  
YERLAN ABIL ◽  
◽  
AIGUL KOSHERBAYEVA ◽  
MARIAN ABISHEVA ◽  
AIDANA ALDIYAROVA ◽  
...  

The article examines and analyzes the process of the formation and development of the public administration system in the Republic of Kazakhstan. Attention is paid to the period after Kazakhstan declared its independence and the Republic’s secession from the USSR in 1991. The article provides a detailed analysis of the three stages of administrative reform aimed at the formation of a modern system of public administration in Kazakhstan; the work also contains a detailed description of the regulatory documents adopted at each stage. The system of training and education of civil servants in the Republic of Kazakhstan is described in detail; the main element is universities, which are the foundation in the system of training civil servants. The system of civil service and civil service personnel training is shown in the context of the socio-economic and political transformations of the Republic, its fundamental legislative acts and regulations, decisions of the country’s authorities, strategies, and state programs. The authors emphasize the close interconnection between the civil service and civil service personnel training system with the state policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan as an integral and most important part of the state. At the beginning of the article, there is a comparative analysis of the socio-economic development of Kazakhstan, based on information from the official international indices of economic and social development.


Author(s):  
Mark Shaw ◽  
Tuesday Reitano

Organised crime and criminal networks are an outcome of Africa’s weak systems of state reach and governance, and in turn they further undermine effective state-building. Defining “organized crime” is challenging in the African context. African policy discussions did not use this term until recently, and it is so broad that it covers an enormous range of activity. Nevertheless, it is arguably now generally used and accepted, denoting organized illegal activities by a group of people over time that generate a profit. Such terminology is also now widely referred to internationally and in a UN Convention (which defines an “organized criminal group” but not organized crime itself) to which almost all African states have subscribed. The term “criminal networks” is often also used in African debates, denoting the more flexible and dynamic criminal arrangements that characterize the continent. Organized crime and criminal networks in Africa appear in many different forms, shaped largely by the strength of the state, and the degree that political elites and state actors are themselves involved in them. Broadly, organized crime can be said to occur along a continuum on the continent. On one side are well-established and -organized mafia-style groups such as the hard-core gangs of the Western Cape in South Africa or militia style operations engaged in ‘taxing’ local populations and economic activities, both licit and illicit. In the middle of the continuum, are relatively loose, and often highly effective, criminal networks made up both of Africans (West African criminal networks being the most prominent) and a range of foreign criminal actors seeking opportunities. On the other end, are sets of criminal style entrepreneurs, often operating as companies (the Guptas in South Africa, for example) but with a variety of forms of state protection. Illicit financial outflows in particular are a serious concern, but governance and regulatory reforms will be far more critical than the suppression of illicit markets themselves by law enforcement agencies, given also evidence that suggests a high degree of collusion between some African police and criminals in several illicit markets. Violence too remains a key tool for criminal control and advancement at all points along the spectrum, with the strength of the state and the collusion between state actors and criminal groups often determining the form, intensity and targets of that violence. That is one reason why the link between organized crime and conflict on the continent remains a concern, with actors (who in many cases exhibit criminal or mafia-style attributes) seeking to enhance their resource accumulation by control or taxation of criminal markets. Given this and other factors, the impact of organized crime on Africa’s development is severe, and although in some key markets the illicit economy provides opportunities for livelihood and a source of resilience, these opportunities are negated by the extent of environmental damage, the growth of drug use among the poor and marginalized, human rights abuses of migrants and those being trafficked, the violence engendered, and the economic distortions introduced.


1989 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kiren Aziz Chaudhry

This article contrasts the effects of state-controlled oil revenues and privately controlled labor remittances on institutional development, state capacity, and businessgovernment relations in Saudi Arabia and the Yemen Arab Republic. These two countries represent extreme cases of dependence on external capital in deeply divided societies presided over by fragile, emerging bureaucracies. By tracing the two cases through a pattern of economic boom (1973-83) and recession (1983-87), the study demonstrates that the type, volume, and control of capital inflows decisively influence the relative development of the bureaucracy's extractive, distributive, and regulatory capacities and affect the ability of the state to respond to economic crisis. In both cases, external capital inflows precipitated the decline of extractive institutions. However, oil revenues and labor remittances had divergent effects on businessgovernment relations, and this circumscribed the state's ability to implement austerity programs during the recession. During the crisis, the Saudi government's efforts to cut subsidies to the private sector and to implement extractive policies were blocked by the state-sponsored merchant class. In contrast, the Yemeni government instituted a thoroughgoing austerity package that targeted the independent merchant class. In both cases, external capital inflows did not augment the efficacy of those that controlled them. These paradoxical outcomes are explained by tracing the different effects of oil revenues and labor remittances on the distribution of economic opportunity in the public and private sectors and the resulting effects on the regional, tribal, and sectarian composition of the bureaucracy and the commercial class.


Author(s):  
Sergey Maksimov ◽  
Yury Vasin

An intensive digitization of all social processes (including criminogenic ones) demanded such a degree of rapidity, effectiveness, efficiency and relevance for the decisions taken by modern states that could not be provided using the dominant model of state policy for combating crime. This new civilizational challenge is especially evident for the problem of counteracting organized crime. The authors conclude that the contemporary model of criminal policy against organized crime, whose main idea is a constant strengthening of liability for organized criminal activities, is undergoing a crisis. An indicator of this crisis is a recent amendment of Art. 210 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation by a norm that considerably limits criminal prosecution of owners, participants, beneficiaries and managers of judicial persons (or their divisions) for organizing a criminal group or participating in it if the corresponding judicial persons were not originally created with the purpose of committing grave or very grave crimes. The same norm limits criminal prosecution of the above-mentioned categories of physical persons if the latter did not possess direct knowledge of the criminal purposes for which such judicial persons were created. The authors believe that the crisis of the current model of combating organized crime is also proven by a lack of any significant correlation between the changes in the criminal legislation on liability for organized criminal activities during the last 24 years and changes in the intensity of the practice of its enforcement. This conclusion, according to the authors, makes it possible to infer that goals that the lawmakers set while trying to improve the effectiveness of combating organized crime were probably not achieved. The authors claim that the key causes of the unproductive reaction of lawmakers and law enforcers to the growing activities of organized crime, including its influence on the general state of law and order and the economic security of the state, include a selective post factum reaction to the growth of specific manifestations of organized crimes based on the intuitive trial and error approach. The authors suggest using the following ideas for the concept of an innovative model of influencing organized crime: it is necessary to use mathematical modeling of the planned amendments to criminal or other connected legislation and their influence both on the system of legal norms of the amended act and the system of legal norms as a whole, on the practice of law enforcement and criminal activity; the state should react to all the specific reasons for the initiation of criminal cases on organized criminal activities using automated systems of collecting, processing and evaluating information, making predictions of the changes in the intensity of organized criminal behavior; the causes and conditions of specific organized criminal infringements should be revealed and measures should be taken to eliminate them.


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