Interactive Political Leadership

Author(s):  
Eva Sørensen

In what this book boldly defines as the age of governance, citizens and other relevant and affected stakeholders are active partakers in governing Western liberal societies. This reality is out of tune with traditional sovereign perceptions of political leadership. Drawing on recent theories of interactive governance and political leadership, Eva Sørensen develops a concept of interactive political leadership that aims to capture what political leadership looks like in a society of active, anti-authoritarian, and politically competent citizens. The key message is that although interactive political leadership is no panacea, it is a step forward in developing a mature perception of what political leadership means in a democratic society with a strong participatory political culture. Hence, interactive political leadership stands out as a promising way of promoting the legitimacy and effectiveness of democratic governance by establishing a bridge between representative democracy and emergent forms of political participation, promoting political learning and accountability, strengthening the political entrepreneurship of elected politicians, and mobilizing relevant resources in society. The book develops twenty propositions that sets the agenda for a new and much-needed field of empirical research into political leadership in the age of governance.

MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.


2020 ◽  

In democracy, political participation is seen as the most important way for citizens to communicate information to political decision-makers (Sydney Verba) and the bureaucracy affiliated to them. Protest plays a special role here among the political and cultural varieties of participation, since it can be seen as a symptom of democratic defects or as an expression of a living, transformative democracy. Civic education situates itself in relation to this particular form of expression of political culture in a multidimensional way: it transmits basic democratic values to educational institutions and marks the boundaries of accepted practice of protest quite differently. This can also result in a transformative practice of protest (Banks), which is also discussed in this volume. In it, the authors resurvey the field of political education according to the conditions of the current crisis-ridden transformation in democracy. This anthology was created to document the 2017 Münster Conference of the DVPW-Committee on Political Science and Civic Education.


Daedalus ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 145 (3) ◽  
pp. 8-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nannerl O. Keohane

The goal of this essay is to clarify the relationship between leadership and equality as two essential constitutive factors of a democratic political system. The essay is motivated by concern about increasing inequalities in the political system of the United States and other countries that describe themselves as democracies. The first section notes the logical tension between leadership and equality, and spells out my understanding of the key terms I use in this essay. I show how the tension between leadership and equality poses a conundrum for democratic governance. Yet the crux of my argument is that profound socioeconomic inequalities pose the more basic threat. I identify disparities in power, as distinct from leadership, as the root of the problem here. Leadership and power are often conflated. Eliding the differences between the two impedes our understanding of the dilemmas we face. The classical answer to concerns about the abuse of power is to establish institutional constraints on political leadership. Yet good leadership is essential in solving the problems we confront. Because leaders can take significant steps to reduce inequality, leadership and equality are not always in tension. If we are to emerge from our current malaise, we must recognize and draw upon the positive contributions of leadership to efficacious democratic governance.


Author(s):  
Muhammad Fuad Othman ◽  
Victor Vincent Okpe

Generally, this study examined the state of political participation and democratic governance in Nigeria’s fourth republic. It relied mainly on descriptive qualitative research approach and secondary sources of data such as journal articles, books, reports from political parties amongst other works from scholars on politics, democracy and governance in the fourth republic. The study equally adopted the liberal democratic theory as its framework of analysis. The emerged result revealed that political participation and democratic governance in the fourth republic had not been in the favor of the populace. It further revealed negative indices against the system such as political and electoral violence, corruption, weak institutions of democracy, godfatherism, poor provision of positive leadership, poverty, inequalities, political intolerance, manipulation of electoral processes, blatant act of impunity, lawlessness, selfish interest and militarization. They have led to lack of trust on the political leaders, and by implication, remains a huge challenge against popular participation, democratic governance and consolidation. These ills are in sharp contrast with the tenets of the liberal democratic theory. Based on the above revelations, therefore, the study believes that it is pertinent that the political leadership must not only practice what is obtainable in the fourth republic constitution but must equally adhere to the doctrines of a liberal democratic system. The political system and the electoral processes must be violent free to encourage popular participation and consolidation of democracy. The citizens must also endeavor to hold their leaders accountable.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-122
Author(s):  
Pia Khoirotun Nisa

Muhammadiyah is one of the elements from the public room of Indonesia, it accepts amount of political policies from the power of nation and responses them as the tradition of its organization. The special characteristic of organization determines political communication that is used. In doing political communication, the political elite of Muhammadiyah has to be able to play very important role in a political system because it becomes determined part from the process of political socialization, political culture, political participation and political recruitment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-220
Author(s):  
Aklima Aklima ◽  
Ramzi Murziqin ◽  
Reni Shintasari ◽  
Aja Sanawiyah

This research deals with the participation of students in Islamic boarding schools (dayah), which tend to deepen religion so that political information is limited. This study aims to determine the political participation of students in Nagan Raya Aceh 2017. This research is important because it looks at the attitude of students in political power relations. The urgency of this research is to understand the political culture of the santri, which is not only seen from the Kyai as a determinant of political choices. This research uses a qualitative method of the case study approach. The results of this study indicate that the behavior of voters (santri) with the Michigan School approach where the political attitudes and choices are chosen is not only based on the leadership of the pesantren / santri but there is direct involvement by the participation of the students with three aspects.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 401-414
Author(s):  
Leonid V. Savinov

The political prospects of migrants in Russia are not only an urgent problem, but also require a comprehensive scientific analysis based on the achievements of modern political science. For this reason, the paper attempts to provide scientific and methodological justification and research on the participation of migrants in future political processes. Based on migration dynamics and features of migration behavior, a model-hypothesis - variants and scenarios of political participation of migrants in Russia has been developed. The model includes the following elements: personal and group strategies for the migration future; the trajectory and nature of political participation of migrants; ideological preferences and political attitudes; the content of the political culture of the migration community; the target expectations of migrants in the political sphere; the level of involvement of migrants in civil society institutions; the level of political activity of migrants and leaders of the migration community; the readiness of indigenous people to allow migrants to political processes; the position of the state and government institutions to political claims from migrants. Thus, based on the methodology of contextual instrumentalism, the methodological basis of the political forecast of the future of migrants in Russia is presented, taking into account the basic migration factors and trends, and the main directions of scientific search for ways to verify the formulated hypothesis are also identified.


Author(s):  
Eduardo J. RUIZ VIEYTEZ

LABURPENA: Azken urteotan, erreferenduma gehiago erabiltzea proposatu dute hainbat sektore sozial eta politikok, herritarrek parte hartzeko mekanismoa izan dadin eta gure sistemaren birsorkuntza demokratikoa ekar dezan. Europako testuinguruan, Suitzak erabiltzen du gehien erreferenduma. Suitzako esperientziak erakusten duenez, erreferenduma sarri erabiltzea ez dago arazo politiko eta juridikoetatik salbuetsita. Lehenengoen artean, hautesleen parte-hartzea txikia izaten dela, populismoa areagotu egiten dela eta, giza eskubideei eragin diezaieketen arren, herritarren erabakiak goresten dituen kultura politikoa eratzen dela aipa daiteke. Erreferendumean onartutako xedapenek nazioarteko arauei aurka egiten dietenean, zailtasun handiak agertzen dira arlo juridikoan; zehazki, giza eskubideen eremuan. Gure sistema politikoan erreferendumaren erabilera areagotzeko orduan, faktore horiek aintzat hartu behar dira. RESUMEN: En los últimos años varios sectores sociales y políticos han propuesto un mayor uso del referéndum como mecanismo de participación popular y de regeneración democrática de nuestro sistema. En el contexto europeo Suiza es el país que más profusamente hace uso del referéndum. Su experiencia suiza muestra que la utilización frecuente del referéndum no está exenta de problemas políticos y jurídicos. Entre los primeros pueden citarse la baja participación del electorado, el aumento del populismo y la configuración de una cultura política que ensalza las decisiones populares aun en los casos en los que éstas puedan afectar a los derechos humanos. En el plano jurídico se plantean importantes dificultades cuando las disposiciones aprobadas en referéndum contradicen normas de carácter internacional, en particular en el ámbito de los derechos humanos. Estos factores deben ser tenidos en cuenta a la hora de incrementar el uso del referéndum en nuestro sistema político. ABSTRACT: In the last years, several social and political sectors have suggested a more frequent and efficient use of referendum as a mechanism for political participation and democratic regeneration in our system. Within the European context, Switzerland is the country that most frequently uses the referendum. Its experience shows that a frequent use of referendum is not free from political and legal problems. Among the political concerns, it can be mentioned ta low turnout, an emerging populism and a peculiar political culture that enshrines popular will even in the cases in which this might go against human rights. From the legal perspective, important difficulties can be found when clauses adopted by referendum go against international legal standards, particularly in the field of human rights. These problematic factors must be seriously considered in a possible increase of the use of referendum in our constitutional system.


2004 ◽  
Vol 180 ◽  
pp. 1108-1109
Author(s):  
Agnes S. Ku

Buttressed by local scholarship, the conventional understanding of Hong Kong's political culture has long dwelt on the notions of apathy and indifference. Understanding the Political Culture of Hong Kong advances an interesting and provocative thesis to refute the conventional claim by taking readers through a historical journey of Hong Kong's major conflict events between 1949 and 1979. The author ambitiously seeks to engage in a critical evaluation of the conventional theses, especially that by Siu-kai Lau in the 1980s. Lau's idea of utilitarian familism, which is much cited in Hong Kong studies, provides an explanation of political apathy that locates the causes in the wider culture as well as in weak state-society relations. Questioning Lau's thesis on strong methodological, conceptual and empirical grounds, the author aims to present an alternative reading of Hong Kong politics, which she captures well in the subtitle: the paradox of activism and depoliticization.Contrary to Lau, the author argues that political participation was neither minimal nor simply utilitarian. She broadens the conception of political participation to include political acts targeted at the local government, the Chinese government and private institutions; discursive activities through the press; and politically relevant activities via social organizations and social movements. Using a multiple-case interpretive approach, she draws on 13 events as case studies and analyses them in terms of their scale, intensity, publicity, significance and ideological claims. The author maintains that all of the events were “impressive” and were “part of larger movements that persisted over a number of decades and that were sustained by the particular nature of society and politics at that time” (p. 229). These testify to the existence of significant levels of political activism. Adding a twist to her argument, the author further maintains that a culture of depoliticization existed side by side with political activism, which functioned to check left-wing activism in the context of Cold War and Chinese politics.


Political culture, as a part of public culture and a group of beliefs, virtues, norms and approaches with views to the political area, is one of the basic issues which has been paid attention and the subject of many researches, especially since the second half of the 20th century. The topic of this article is studying Afghanistan political culture as well as answering the question of which impacts it has had on Afghanistan political participation during the after-2001 years. Also, in this research, by using an analytic-descriptive method, at first, the definition of political culture and its features in Afghanistan are presented and then, the occurred changes in the indexes of Afghanistan political coopetation in the recent decades are studied too. Political culture, as the system of empirical beliefs, symbols, virtues and the norms, which are regarded as the foundation of political action and the political behaviours of the public people, parties and the government officials is one of the basic issues which has been considered and studied by many experts of politucal area for the recent era. The continuity and strength of any any kinds of cooperations depends on the society political culture origin as it is a very important factor for defining the political social identity of the public members and determining their views, virtues and norms toward politics and authority. Moreover, in this study, at first,the level of changes in the last-two-decade political culture of Afghanistan society is discussed and then its impact on political participation is analysed through explaining the tie between beliefs and behaviours as well as a case study over the political cooperarion increase.


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