Beyond the government document

Author(s):  
Leslie Butt

In response to global initiatives, Indonesia has increased efforts to register all children at birth. Birth registration has a core goal to transform the act of childbirth into a legal statement about the obligations and entitlements of belonging to a nation-state. Drawing upon a multi-method exploratory study conducted in 2014 in four low-income, high out-migration Sasak communities in East Lombok, this chapter discusses childbirth and birth registration practices in families where the mother or father leave the island for extended periods of low-skill, temporary work. Migration, Sasak pregnancy practices, state childbirth management, and the meaning of documents become bound up with procedures by which the state seeks to align kin and other local relatedness in conformity with membership in the state. Despite the institutionalization of midwives as agents of birth registration, the limited success of state efforts to register children is evident in the ways that migrant families navigate, circumvent, ignore, and selectively exploit the official system, thereby supporting their priorities around work and family. The implications of these patterns for Indonesian birth registration goals are noted.

2007 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 303-321
Author(s):  
Lode Wils

In het tweede deel van zijn bijdrage 1830: van de Belgische protonatie naar de natiestaat, over de gebeurtenissen van 1830-1831 als slotfase van een passage van de Belgische protonatie doorheen de grote politiek-maatschappelijke en culturele mutaties na de Franse Revolutie, ontwikkelt Lode Wils de stelling dat de periode 1829-1830 de "terminale crisis" vormde van het Koninkrijk der Verenigde Nederlanden. Terwijl koning Willem I definitief had laten verstaan dat hij de ministeriële verantwoordelijkheid definitief afwees en elke kritiek op het regime beschouwde als kritiek op de dynastie, groeide in het Zuiden de synergie in het verzet tussen klerikalen, liberalen en radicale anti-autoritaire groepen. In de vervreemding tussen het Noorden en het Zuiden en de uiteindelijke revolutionaire nationaal-liberale oppositie vanuit het Zuiden, speelde de taalproblematiek een minder belangrijke rol dan het klerikale element en de liberale aversie tegen het vorstelijk absolutisme van Willem I en de aangevoelde uitsluiting van de Belgen uit het openbaar ambt en vooral uit de leiding van de staat.________1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation stateIn the second part of his contribution 1830: from the Belgian pre-nation to the nation state, dealing with the events from 1830-1831 as the concluding phase of a transition of the Belgian pre-nation through the major socio-political and cultural mutations after the French Revolution, Lode Wils develops the thesis that the period of 1829-1830 constituted the "terminal crisis" of the Kingdom of the United Netherlands. Whilst King William I had clearly given to understand that he definitively rejected ministerial responsibility and that he considered any criticism of the regime as a criticism of the dynasty, the synergy of resistance increased between the clericalists, liberals and radical anti-authoritarian groups in the South. In the alienation between the North and the South and the ultimate revolutionary national-liberal opposition from the South the language issue played a less important role than the clericalist element and the liberal aversion against the royal absolutism of William I and the sense of exclusion of the Belgians from public office and particularly from the government of the state.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhamad Rizal ◽  
Yanyan Yani

The purpose of state defense is to protect and to save the integrity of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, the sovereignty of the state, as well as its security from all kinds of threats, whether they are military or non-military ones. One of the non-military threats that potentially threatens the sovereignty and security of the nation-state is the misuse of technology and information in cyberspace. The threat of irresponsible cyber attacks can be initiated by both state and non-state actors. The actors may be an individual, a group of people, a faction, an organization, or even a country. Therefore, the government needs to anticipate cyber threats by formulating cyber security strategies and determining comprehensive steps to defend against cyber attacks; its types and the scale of counter-measures, as well as devising the rules of law. 


1969 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 201-211
Author(s):  
Leslie Butt

Birth registration has become prominent among global initiatives to “leave no one behind.” Despite Indonesia's efforts to implement a national registration program, low-income rural families in East Lombok do not choose to register their children in significant numbers. By closely examining the documents and documentary practices linked to childbirth, this article unpacks the ambiguous meanings the Indonesian government and the Sasak of East Lombok hold around childbirth. Sasak family engagement with existing birth rituals highlights the exceptional convergences required to create documentary links between place, person and nation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 205789111989876
Author(s):  
Deepak Kumar ◽  
Bhanu Pratap ◽  
Archana Aggarwal

Public trust in government is crucial for good governance, encompassing economic and social development of the region in a representative democratic setup. This study uses India Human Development Survey (2004–2005 and 2011–2012) data to examine the changing pattern of household confidence in state governments in India. Using a logit model analysis, we examine how the level of household confidence in the state government changes with households’ socioeconomic status, personal experiences, and benefits received from government programs and direct social benefit schemes. We find that households with a low socioeconomic status (such as Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes, and low-income and less educated households) are more likely to trust the state government. In addition, households that have had a positive experience or have received benefits from a government program and/or social scheme are more likely to exhibit high levels of trust in the state government. We also find that residents of less developed states are more likely to have high levels of trust in their state government than residents of highly developed states.


2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liz van Acker

The UK Conservative–Liberal Democratic Coalition government has declared that marriage is imperative for society. This article examines couple relationship education (CRE), which aims to strengthen marriage and relationships. It argues that these programmes have potential because they offer opportunities for women and men to enhance their relationships through adult education that develops relationship skills and knowledge. For CRE to have a population level impact, however, knowledge of how to promote access to services designed for disadvantaged or vulnerable couples is critical. Gender disadvantage interacts with class, ethnicity, age and disability. Advocating marriage per se is too simplistic a solution to the complex problems of couples with diverse needs or low-income earners. If the government is serious about wanting to strengthen relationships and marriage, CRE would be a better investment if it was coordinated with policies and services such as balancing work and family and alleviating problems for low-income families.


2005 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 467-488 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Reid

A little over a decade after the achievement of independence, Eritrea is confronted by a range of social and political problems, problems which are rooted both in the nation's past and in the ruling movement's interpretation of that past. This paper is concerned with the widening gulf between the nation-state, as envisaged by the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) during the liberation struggle and as currently ‘imagined’ by the government, and the socio-political reality. Eritrean society is now marked by widening divisions between the ‘struggle generation’ and the membership of the former EPLF on the one hand, and large sections of the remainder of the population, notably youth. The 1998–2000 war with Ethiopia, the root causes of which are as yet unresolved, has proved more destructive than was apparent even at the time, and has been used by the state as a vindication of the EPLF's particular interpretation of the past. Political and social repression, rooted in a militaristic tradition and a profound fear of disunity, has intensified since the war. In this paper the current situation is examined in terms of the deep frustration felt by younger Eritreans, the urban–rural divide, the state-level determination to cling to the values and the aims of the liberation struggle, and the position of Eritrea in international politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-46
Author(s):  
Devajana C. Nanjunda ◽  
Pulamaghatta N. Venugopal

Karnataka is the most populous state in South India. The Government of Karnataka constituted a committee under the chairpersonship of one of the sitting women members of the Karnataka Legislative Council to study the conditions of the sex workers in the state. This committee has submitted its report to the Karnataka government recently. This study has interviewed around 11,000 sex workers across the state and collected the required information about their present condition. Data have been collected through the schedule having 169 questions and interviewing the respondents. Sex workers were identified through the district councillors for the survey. The committee has estimated more than 300,000 women are involved in this work, a majority of them are from lower social groups having a low income. The study has found that in the initial stage, women are being stepped into this job merely because of trafficking or to earn more money for life, or are sold unwittingly to the pimps by relatives or friends. Once they get stuck in this vicious cycle, women continue to be sex workers only because of no other exit. It is found that women continue to be sex workers as long as demand or beauty prevails in the market. When demand decreases, they continue in the field as a supplier/agent (pimps). The study has found that a majority of them are being trafficked from Maharashtra and Goa to Karnataka. The study found migration, drought, unemployment, early marriage divorce, poverty, etc., as some of the reasons for entering in this job. Shockingly, the report has revealed that married women are more engaged in this occupation. The more interesting issue is that around 26 per cent of women/girls have entered into this sex work job just to buy a good mobile, to get a good dress, for pocket money, etc. The report further says that more than 17–20 per cent of them are HIV infected. The study finally suggests that awareness creation, atrocity prevention, resolving rehabilitation and empowerment should be the part and parcel of any policy for the welfare of the sex workers. This article is based on the findings of the study report submitted to government by the committee.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026101832110034
Author(s):  
Kay Cook

This article draws on interviews with 41 Australian separated mothers, and the government forms, information and instructions used to administer their child support and benefit entitlements, to reveal four tactics through which women’s decision-making was coordinated to produce financial benefits to the state. The state pursued its preferred outcome by foregrounding women’s obligation to seek and collect child support, while at the same time, information on alternative choices was made deliberately opaque – making the state’s foregrounded option more likely. If women were entitled to, or sought, options that lay outside the default choice, the onus was on them to investigate, instigate and persevere with what was made to be a deliberately onerous and opaque process. As a result, the administration of Australian child support policy perpetuated low-income women’s experiences of economic and social inequity, entrenching the feminisation of poverty in single parent families.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Arif Rochman ◽  
Dharu Triasih ◽  
Agus Saiful Abib

<p>Rumah adalah kebutuhan dasar yang sangat penting bagi setiap orang. namun sebagian   orang  masih   belum   memiliki   rumah   sendiri.   Faktor   penyebabnya   adalah mahalnya  harga  tunai  rumah.  Oleh  karena  itu  pemerintah  melalui  menteri  perumahan rakyat membuat  program  Kredit  Pemilikan  Rumah  (KPR). Program  KPR ini ditujukan untuk masyarakat berpenghasilan rendah yang disebut KPR subsidi. Salah satu bank yang menjadi  pelaksana  program  tersebut  yaitu  Bank  Tabungan     Negara  Syariah  (BTN Syariah). Penelitian skripsi ini mengenai sistem transaksi KPR yang dilakukan oleh BTN Syariah  Semarang  dan  tinjauan  hukum  Islam  terhadap  sistem  transaksi  KPR  di  BTN Syariah Semarang. Jenis penelitian  ini menggunakan  penelitian  hukum normatif dengan pendekatan  konseptual  agar dapat memahami  sistem transaksi  KPR BTN Syariah  yang menggunakan  prinsip Islam. Hasil dan pembahasan  penelitian  ini yaitu sistem transaksi KPR yang dilakukan BTN Syariah menggunakan  akad jual beli <em>murabahah </em>dan <em>istishna</em>. Tinjauan hukum Islam terhadap Akad <em>murabahah </em>yaitu dengan 3 pendekatan yang terdiri dari ditinjau dari rukun jual beli, syarat sah jual beli serta syarat jual beli kredit. Untuk akad  <em>Istishna</em>,  BTN  Syariah  tidak  bisa  menggunakan  akad  ini  karena  BTN  Syariah bukanlah produsen melainkan <em>trader</em>. Simpulannya skema transaksi KPR yang dilakukan BTN Syaraih hakekatnya bukan jual beli <em>murabahah </em>atau <em>istishna</em>, tetapi hutang piutang / <em>qardh</em>.</p><div class="WordSection1"><p><em>Home is a basic need that is very important for everyone. but some people still do not have their own home. The factor is the high cost of house cash. Therefore,  the government through the minister of public housing makes the program of Housing Loans (KPR).  The mortgage  program  is aimed  at low-income  communities  called  subsidized KPR. One of the banks that became the implementer of the program is the State Savings Bank  Syariah  (BTN  Syariah).  This thesis  research  about  mortgage  transaction  system conducted by BTN Syariah Semarang and review of Islamic law to mortgage transaction system in BTN Syariah Semarang.  This type of research uses normative  legal research with a conceptual approach in order to understand the transaction  system of KPR BTN Syariah using Islamic principles.  Results and discussion  of this research is a system of mortgage  transactions  conducted  BTN Syariah using the sale and purchase agreement murabaha  and istishna. Review of Islamic Law against Murabahah Akad that is with 3 approach  consisting  of  observed  from  rukun  jual  beli,  legal  condition  of  sale  and purchase and condition of sale and purchase credit. For Istishna contract, BTN Syariah can  not  use  this  contract  because  BTN  Syariah  is  not  a  producer  but  trader.  The conclusion of the scheme of mortgage transactions conducted by BTN Syaraih is not the sale and purchase of murabahah or istishna, but the accounts payable / qardh.</em></p></div>


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 94-107
Author(s):  
Rupi'i Amri

Abstract: The tendency to apply sharia to the state or government by some Muslims is a very interesting new phenomenon in many Muslim countries. Several Muslim countries, such as Indonesia, Pakistan, Jordan, Sudan, Egypt, Morocco, Kuwait and Iran are examples of countries where "Islamist" groups want to implement sharia into government. Of course this desire raises different views from Islamic figures, some support and some oppose it. This paper seeks to find answers to the problems that arise from the views of supporters and opponents of the Islamic state, with the core of the problem are:  (1) seeking and knowing the concept of Islam and Caliphate in the Islamic political system; (2) explaining the government system according to historical perspective; namely in the era of the Prophet Muhammad and Khulafa ar-Rasyidin; and (3) explaining the relationship between religion and state in the concept of siyasa fiqh. The conceptual framework used in this paper is that there are two important things to be achieved in politics, namely (1) politics as anything related to state administration; and (2) politics as all activities directed to seek and maintain power in society. In relation to this, there is often a "tension" between groups that want to implement the Shari'ah into the rules of government with groups that oppose it. If the desires of the two groups cannot be met, then there is no possibility of various acts of violence in a country, and can even lead to a coup against the current government. Some findings from this study are that (1) System of government in an Islamic perspective is not clearly stated in the Quran and Sunnah so that Islamic political thinkers disagree over what government system must be applied in a nation state; (2) In a historical perspective, the system of government in the time of the Prophet Muhammad was more concerned with the substance of Islamic values into the system of state government. This can be seen rules of the Madina Constitution, while the government of the Khulafa ar-Rasyidin used a system of power of autocracy and monarchic dynasty; (3) Islamic political thinkers differ in their views on the relation between religion and state in the concept of siyasa fiqh into three groups, namely (1) religion and state must be integrated and cannot be separated because the state is a political and religious institution; (2) religion and state are not related at all because the Prophet Muhammad was only an ordinary prophet like the previous prophet with the single task of inviting people back to noble life; (3) religions and state relate reciprocally and need each other. Abstrak: Kecenderungan untuk menerapkan syariah Islam ke dalam negara atau pemerintahan oleh sebagian orang Islam merupakan gejala baru yang sangat menarik di banyak negara Muslim. Beberapa negara muslim, seperti Indonesia, Pakistan, Yordania, Sudan, Mesir, Maroko, Kuwait dan Iran merupakan contoh negara-negara di mana kelompok-kelompok “Islamis”-nya ingin menerapkan syariah ke dalam pemerintahan. Tentu saja keinginan tersebut menimbulkan pandangan yang berbeda-beda dari tokoh-tokoh Islam, sebagian ada yang mendukung dan sebagian lagi menentangnya. Tulisan ini berusaha untuk mencari jawaban terhadap permasalahan-permasalahan yang muncul dari pandangan para pendukung dan penentang  negara  syariah, dengan inti permasalahannya adalah : (1) mencari dan mengetahui konsep Islam dan Kekhalifahan dalam sistem politik Islam; (2) menjelaskan sistem pemerintahan dalam perspektif historis, terutama pada masa Nabi Muhammad dan Khulafa ar-Rasyidin, dan (3) menjelaskan hubungan agama dan negara dalam konsep fiqh siyasah. Kerangka konseptual yang dipergunakan dalam tulisan ini adalah bahwa terdapat dua hal penting yang hendak dicapai dalam politik, yaitu       (1) politik sebagai segala yang berkaitan dengan penyelenggaraan negara; dan (2) politik sebagai segala kegiatan yang diarahkan untuk mencari dan mempertahankan kekuasaan dalam masyarakat. Dalam kaitannya dengan hal tersebut, seringkali terjadi “ketegangan” antara kelompok yang ingin menerapkan syari’ah ke dalam aturan-aturan pemerintahan dengan kelompok yang menentangnya. Apabila keinginan dari kedua kelompok tersebut tidak dapat dipertemukan, maka tidak menutup kemungkinan akan terjadi berbagai tindak kekerasan dalam suatu negara, dan bahkan dapat menimbulkan kudeta terhadap pemerintahan yang sedang berjalan. Beberapa temuan dari peneletian ini adalah (1) Sistem pemerintahan dalam perspektif Islam tidak disebutkan secara jelas dalam al-Quran dan Sunnah sehingga para pemikir politik Islam berbeda pendapat tentang sistem pemerintahan apa yang harus diterapkan ke dalam sebuah negara-bangsa (nation-state); (2) Dalam perspektif historis, sistem pemerintahan pada masa Nabi Muhammad lebih mementingkan substansi nilai-nilai Islam ke dalam sistem pemerintahan negara. Hal ini dapat dilihat pada aturan-aturan yang tertuang dalam Piagam Madinah, sedangkan pemerintahan pada masa Khulafa’ ar-Rasyidin menggunakan sistem “autocratic power” (kekuatan autokrasi) dan a dynastic monarchy” (dinasti monarkhi); (3) Para pemikir politik Islam berbeda pandangan dalam menyikapi relasi agama dan negara dalam konsep fiqh siyasah menjadi tiga kelompok, yaitu pertama, agama dan negara harus terintegrasi dan tidak dapat dipisahkan sebab negara merupakan lembaga politik dan sekaligus keagamaan, kedua, antara agama dan negara tidak berhubungan sama sekali (terpisah) karena Nabi Muhammad hanyalah seorang Rasul biasa seperti halnya rasul-rasul sebelumnya, dengan tugas tunggal mengajak manusia kembali kepada kehidupan yang mulia, ketiga, agama dan negara berhubungan secara timbal balik dan saling membutuhkan.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document