The National Security Doctrine, Military Threat Perception, and the “Dirty War” in Argentina

1988 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 382-407 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID PION-BERLIN
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Liu

Abstract What explains variations in the proactiveness of Japanese Prime Ministers (PMs) toward national defense? Although the Japanese Constitution renounces the use of force, leaders sometimes speak assertively over national security. Drawing on competing international relations and Japanese foreign policy theories, this study seeks to quantitatively model and analyze predictors of political rhetoric in PMs’ speeches and statements from 2009 to 2019. Each statement is coded into four sets of binary dependent variables through content analysis and tested against five competing hypotheses. The main finding reveals that leaders become more likely to advocate for specifically assertive national security policy when Chinese vessel intrusion increases, but not when North Korea missile tests and aircraft scrambles increase. Instead of a diversionary use of words, an emboldening effect is evident in rhetoric that evokes responsibility in international defense, moderated by ruling government strength. The findings advance academic understandings of Japanese national security policy messaging and highlight the effect of external threat perception on political rhetoric.


2019 ◽  
pp. 109-125
Author(s):  
Richard Togman

Chapter 6 focuses on the rebirth of the Malthusian concept of overpopulation and the translation of fears over hunger, poverty, and environmental destruction to the problem of population. Moreover, delving into how alternative theories arose to challenge the dominant modernization discourse championed by national security and development agencies of Western states, this chapter explores the subjugated discourses espoused by actors including the nascent environmental movement, the Soviet Union, the Vatican, and the Black Panthers. This chapter shows how it is the subjective threat perception, married to the dominant discursive frame the actor adopts, that results in the creation of natalist attitudes and policy. Significantly, the wishes of individuals themselves are systematically ignored when actors come to narrate the meaning of fertility for the collective, which due to the very conceptualization of the problem at hand most often results in the failure of policy to have the desired effects.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-33
Author(s):  
Ieva Karpavičiūtė

Abstract The paper addresses the security threat perception and securitization of existential threats in Lithuania. It focuses upon the securitization theory and its ability to explain the change of national security agendas as affected by the changes in national identity and existential security threats. It takes into account the internal and external factors that are shaping the objective and subjective national threat perception. The paper applies O. Waever’s securitization theory with an aim to explain how the national security threats are being addressed and perceived in Lithuania. Moreover, the paper is developed against the backdrop of the most recent developments in securitization theory and evolution of its theoretical perceptions of identity, existential threats, and legitimacy. It also discusses the possibility of inclusion of hybrid security threats into an analysis of securitization. The empirical part of the article assesses the most recent security challenges, provides evaluation of changes in national security perception, and portrays the dynamics of national security threats as defined in the National Security Strategies and the Military Doctrine. The paper focuses upon the most recent dynamics in security policy of Lithuania. It also takes into account the hybrid nature of security threats and the reaction to hybrid security elements such as: cyber security, information security, and international terrorism.


2015 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 123-126
Author(s):  
Amr G.E. Sabet

This concise and important book deals with the dimensional change in internationalconflicts and security pertaining to the power of ideas: Do ideas and/or political ideologies threaten the security of regimes and states in ways thatdiffer from those conventionally attributed to the mere balance of militarypower? By studying the role of religious or transnational ideology in the MiddleEast in particular, the study aims to advance an understanding of “how,why, and when ideology affects threat perception and state policy” (p. vii) viatwo aspects, one related to ideational threat perception and the other toideational balancing. Together they provide an analytical framework for understandingstrategic interaction as an “ideational security dilemma” (p. vii)with a specific focus on how Egypt and Saudi Arabia have responded to threatperceptions emanating both from the rise and the activities of Iran and Sudan.These four dyads attempt to examine changes in threat perceptions before andafter Islamists came to power in the latter two countries (p. 4). The idea behind this dyadic approach is to show how threat perceptionsto national security are not altered due to increased hard power capabilities,but rather due to soft power projections. Rubin makes the interesting pointthat Egypt and Saudi Arabia felt more threatened by a militarily weak Sudanas well as a militarily degraded post-revolutionary Iran far more than theydid during the time of the militarily powerful Shah (pp. 2-3). Much of thishas to do with the point that it is not mere ideology or ideas that pose a threatto national security, but rather that they become so in their “projected” form(p. 4).The following six chapters elaborate on this simple and straightforward,yet highly significant and relevant, proposition. In the introductory chapter,Rubin develops his framework of analysis (the “ideational securitydilemma”) and makes it clear that one of the study’s main purposes is “totake ideology seriously.” This is done within the realist framework that acceptsthe centrality of the state, as well as that of neo-classical realism (p.124) which focuses on the foreign policy emanating from domestic culturaland perceptual variables (p. 18). The study refocuses attention on ideationalprojections that resonate with a foreign domestic audience and that may consequentlybring about a transnational response, thereby exacerbating internalsocietal unrest ...


1955 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 445-446

Representatives of eight central and eastern European nations—Albania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, the German Democratic Republic, Hungary, Poland and Rumania— met in Warsaw from May 11 through 14, 1955, and concluded a twenty-year treaty of friendship, cooperation and mutual assistance. In a communique issued at the close of the discussions, the participants stated that they had considered the changes in the international situation resulting from the ratification of the Paris agreements,1 and concluded that the ratification of the agreements meant that a new military group, Western European Union, in which a remilitarized west Germany would participate, increased the danger of war and created a threat to their national security. The treaty signed by the eight participants at the close of the conference was intended to meet the alleged new military threat; under it, the signatories agreed (i) to abstain from threats or the use of violence, and to settle international disputes by peaceful means; (2) to cooperate in all international actions, including attempts to reduce the level of armaments, with the purpose of ensuring peace and security; (3) to hold mutual consultations on all important international problems, particularly in the event of a threat of armed attack against one or several of the signatories; (4) to afford immediate assistance in the case of armed aggression in Europe against one or several of the signatories, which assistance would cease as soon as the United Nations Security Council had taken measures to ensure peace.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 282-292
Author(s):  
Werijon Werijon ◽  
Daniel Setiawan

Radicalism for the last few decades has hampered the people and national security building of Indonesia. Contemporary global and regional constellations develop an unprecedented scale of impact radicalism as well as its tractability. The formal categorization of radicalism as an ideology based-non-military threat reflects an imperative mandate for Indonesian defense entities to review and formulate relevant and comprehensive alleviation strategies to address the radicalism. However, this urgency does not appear to have been embodied in at least two points in our opinion: the perception among associated institutions barely aware of the significance of synergy and coordination and second, a minor portion of the countering of radicalism in the frame of the roadmap for Indonesia's national defense development. This research examines the perceptions of relevant defense stakeholders in Indonesia regarding radicalism and its current approach as well as the formulation of strategies that have been implemented or designed to maintain the existence of Indonesian nationalism. We collected information and data through both documentation studies and interviews with representative officials from the relevant ministries, military, and state agencies and then compiled it descriptively. By examining the perceptions of each research object as well as the construction of the strategy that has been rolled out, we conclude the Indonesian defense entities have yet significant, comprehensive, and sustainable strategies addressing the threat of radicalism.


Author(s):  
V. Mizin

The problems of antimissile defense constitutes one of the key issues of global arms control domain of today. No advancement toward the lowering of global military threat, reciprocal reduction of nuclear weapons’ arsenals and the solving of contemporary tasks in the vast realm of today’s strategic stability are feasible, if a suitable arrangement on it is not to be found. At the same time, this conundrum is the major irritant in the Russia-West interrelationship, first and foremost, in our dealings with the NATO military-political alliance led by the USA. Therefore, finding the mutually acceptable solutions to this end would have promoted the consolidation of mutual trust and created the prerequisites for moving toward a safer and more stable world. The paper suggests a set of specific urgent steps that would show the ways out of the current negotiating impasse related to the ABM problematic and created the basis for a potential agreement while not afflicting the national security of any state in the world.


ASKETIK ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-46
Author(s):  
Edy Santosa ◽  
Moh Soehadha ◽  
Heri Supriyanto

The concept and strategy of national security of Indonesia includes the resilience of all areas of the country against military and non-military threats. From a sociological perspective, non-military threats exist in a dynamic social and environmental world and are constantly changing in form. Non-military threats have a broader dimension, including ideological, social, economic, cultural, political, information technology and public safety. Various facts about regional conditions and socio-religious dynamics in the Special Region of Yogyakarta are indicators that show a source of problems as a potential non-military threat. The following article on the results of field research using qualitative methods contains interpretive descriptions of the various non-military threats in Indonesia that originate from socio-religious facts, by taking a case study in Yogyakarta


1995 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Baldwin

The end of the cold war has generated numerous reflections on the nature of the world in its aftermath. The reduced military threat to American security has triggered proposals for expanding the concept of national security to include nonmilitary threats to national well-being. Some go further and call for a fundamental reexamination of the concepts, theories, and assumptions used to analyze security problems. In order to lay the groundwork for such a reexamination, the emergence and evolution of security studies as a subfield of international relations is surveyed, the adequacy of the field for coping with the post—cold war world is assessed, and proposals for the future of security studies are discussed. It is argued that a strong case can be made for reintegration of security studies with the study of international politics and foreign policy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-4
Author(s):  
Jitendra Kumar Singh

National security is perhaps one of the key areas of research which receives continuous attention from the scholars of strategic studies, military science, and of course some of the disciplines of social science such as political science and international relation. One way of pursuing interest in national security is to delve the threat perception which emanates from across the border and is likely to influence socio-political sphere of the nation. On the other hand, the diversity in the socio-cultural landscape of the nation characterized by ethnicity and linguistic based sub-national identities is equally important so far as enriching one’s knowledge base in the domain of internal security is concerned. Within the realm of psychology, military psychology is possibly one sub-discipline which tries to address this gap. However, psychology is yet to receive a space in the intellectual terrain of studies on national security.


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