The First Half-Century of Australian Wage Policy—Part II

1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-160 ◽  
Author(s):  
K.J. Hancock

The Commonwealth Court began with little conception of an economic role for itself but the Piddington Commission, the economic stringencies of the 1920s and the Depression of the 1930s forced it to recognise that role. During the 1940s the wages policy of the Court became confused because of the change in membership of the Court, the changed economic climate in which it functioned. Also, until 1950, the Court had not defined for itself the implica tions that wage increases had on a full-employment economy. After 1950 there was a single-minded commitment to avoiding inflation which over-simplified the economic consequences of wages policy and, so uncomfortably did the economic role sit on the shoulders of the Court, that this role was often denied to exist. The conclusion is that the Court developed a capacity for absorbing economic ideas and analysing the condition of the economy but the evaluation of policies for relativities lagged behind the development of policies for relating labour costs to economic conditions: a comprehensive wage policy includes a specific role for wage structure but the Court failed to develop it.

1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 599-602

The primary emphasis of the report of the Director-General of the International Labor Organization to the thirty-fourth session of the Conference was the issue of wage policy in conditions of full employment. The Conference debate on this question, stimulated by the report Mr. Morse hoped, would help ILO member countries to arrive at wage-price policies “designed to promote the best interests both of workers and of the community as a whole, in conditions of full employment and scarcity of labor.” The problem of wage determination had been receiving renewed public attention, mainly owing to the desire to include restraint of wage increases in a program designed to minimize the possible inflationary effects of full employment, economic development and rearmament. There existed also a belief that adjustments in the wage structures of most countries were needed to provide increased incentives for workers to acquire skill, to work harder and to man the essential industries where labor was particularly scarce.


Author(s):  
Heinz Grossekettler

AbstractThis paper considers the impact over time of the German “Economic Growth and Stability Law”, which had its 40th anniversary on the 6th June, 2007. After looking at the history and development of the law and the associated expectations, the intended functions are analysed critically. Inappropriate use of the law is analysed from the perspective of public choice, as well as the insufficient consideration of reaction delays and, above all, the underestimation of the role of expectations. Furthermore, attention is paid to the fact that planning and coordination problems have not been satisfactorily resolved. A comparison with a control group from major European countries is then used to determine whether one can talk meaningfully in the German context of particular success stories in countering fluctuations in business cycles, the development of governmental debt and of legal objectives with respect to “price level stability”, “high levels of employment”, “current account equilibrium” and “satisfactory economic growth”. It becomes evident that government debt and unemployment have risen more in Germany and that growth rates have declined more sharply than in the countries on which the comparison is based. After discussing the hypotheses for explaining the weak German growth, growth accounting demonstrates that changes in the demographic structure, the substantial shortening of working hours and early retirement, blunders in the reunification process and an aggressive wage policy on the part of trade unions, particularly in the seventies, are the main reasons for low growth. This wage policy was triggered by the expectation of the trade unions that, with the aid of the Stability and Growth Law, the state would ensure full employment. In reality, however, the wage policy led to a reduced rate of investment and growth. This process could only be terminated by the restrained wage policy of the past few years.


Author(s):  
Gabriella Lanszkiné Széles

The aim of this study was to compare agricultural buildings and their economic role in two neighbouring villages of Outer-somogy; Fonó and kisgyalán. i analyzed how the function of these buildings altered within the branches of ani-mal husbandry, during joint management and after the change of regime. breeding technology employed in barns, feed stor-age strategies in sheds, corn-cribs and attics were also de-scribed based on reminiscences. The changes in economic conditions facilitated building economic-necessity structures in some cases. in addition, the effects of changing attitude of peasants due to lifestyle modification were also highlighted based on examples such as sleeping in the barn.


Author(s):  
Gerhard Bosch

This chapter begins with a summary, based on a number of key indicators, of the evolution of industrial relations in Europe. The fundamental importance for the primary distribution of income of minimum wages and collective agreements is explained. The example of the interactions between minimum and collectively agreed wages is used to develop a typology of the various wage-setting ‘architectures’ in the EU. In a monetary union the debate on the appropriate wage policy cannot be conducted on a country by country basis. Wage moderation or expansive wage increases can have both positive and negative effects on other countries. Finally, the interventions by nation states and the Troika in collective bargaining systems will be investigated.


1997 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrich van Suntum

AbstractIn recent time it has been argued that Germanys international competitiveness had suffered more from the strong D-Mark than from the national wage level. As a proof it has been pointed to the relative impact of these two factors on the level of German unit labour costs, measured in terms of international currency.It is shown that neither the real exchange rate nor international unit labour costs are an unambiguous indicator of international competitiveness. On the other hand, the seemingly naive indicator of the rise in unit labour costs in national currency is by far more relevant in evaluating the impact of the wage level on national employment, at least in the long run. This is true in case of flexible as well as in the case of fixed exchange rates and also in case of a currency union. Moreover, it is argued that a flexible exchange rate will never do the job of outweighing the negative effects on employment caused by a rise in wages which is in excess of the rise in productivity. Hence with flexible exchange rates national real wage policy must bee eaqually aware of employment needs like with fixed exchange rates or in case of a currency union.


1957 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 201-202

The European Payments Union (EPU) was prolonged for a seventh year from July 1, 1956, without any alterations in the rules under which it had operated since August 1, 1955. The sixth annual report of EPU retraced the economic and financial developments in member countries during the fiscal year 1955–1956. It pointed out that economic activity had continued to expand, but in many countries demand had showed signs of growing rather faster than output, so that some inflationary pressures were felt in the form of rising prices and wages and of some weakening of individual balances of payments. The strongest advances in industrial output had occurred in France, with increases in west Germany, Italy, Belgium and the Netherlands being next in importance; there had been no growth in the United Kingdom. Most countries had witnessed a gradual exhaustion of spare productive capacity and very full employment, with man-power shortages in certain specific sectors. A significant development in most countries had been the increase in fixed capital formation. In France and the United Kingdom especially, one main reason for it had been the fact that full use of industrial capacity had already been approached and labor shortages were appearing. The rise in investment expenditure, in conjunction with a continued increase of consumer expenditure, particularly on durable goods, had added to inflationary pressures. In a number of countries wage demand had seemed in excess of the probable rise in productivity; and in several countries wage increases had been granted. Between the second quarter of 1955 and the second quarter of 1956, prices had risen in most countries by 4–6 percent, and by even more in Iceland and Turkey.


1984 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Meade

ABSTRACTThe basic thesis of this paper is that a necessary condition for the re-establishment of full employment without a runaway inflation is a change of attitudes and institutions concerning wage-fixing which puts more emphasis on the effects of rates of pay on the expansion of employment opportunities and much less emphasis on their effects on the real incomes of those already in employment. A necessary condition for such changes would be to develop further fiscal and social welfare measures to promote an acceptable distribution of income. Unfortunately it is possible that two very desirable developments — namely, labour participation in decision-making in industry and the introduction of new technologies — may make this particular wage-fixing problem more, rather than less, acute. The reforms discussed to meet this problem cover: the use of Keynesian demand-management policies to keep the money national income on a steady but moderate growth path; measures to restrain the setting of monopolistic practices by trade unions; a system of national arbitration and a possible inflation tax to curb excessive wage increases; an integrated reconstruction of social benefits and direct taxation; the substitution of expenditure instead of income as the basis of a progressive direct tax; the possible introduction of an annual wealth tax; and the reform of capital transfer tax to fall progressively on the beneficiaries of gifts and bequests.


2009 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Wein

SummaryThe liberalization of the German Markets for postal services which have been realized with the beginning of 2008 was politically combined with the introduction of minimum wage legislation. This minimum wage increases the labour costs of the competitors without reaching the cost level of the incumbent. The industrial economic analysis shows that the minimum wage is able to prevent market entries. But the minimum wage legislation is under attack by administrative courts and some political parties. Hence, it is possible that the minimum wage for postal services will be shortly abolished. An alternative to the minimum wage could be the using of existing economies of scale and scope by the incumbent to squeeze the competitors out of the market.


Subject Wage politics in South-east Asia. Significance In July, Malaysia will raise the mimimum wage by 11-15%. The country is one of five in South-east Asia, along with Indonesia, Thailand, Cambodia and Myanmar, increasing minimum wages in 2016. Impacts Labour costs in Vietnam are rising faster than in Indonesia, its primary competitor in the region. Non-compliance will limit the impact of recent increases on domestic consumption. A sizeable part of the ASEAN workforce is informally employed and is, therefore, unaffected by wage increases.


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