Occupational and Educational Mobility Among Indian Muslims: Primary Survey-Based Evidence

2021 ◽  
pp. 097639962110443
Author(s):  
Nawazuddin Ahmed ◽  
Dinesh K. Nauriyal
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Educational Achievement ◽  
Occupational Mobility ◽  
Peer Pressure ◽  
Multinomial Logit Model ◽  
Educational Outcome ◽  
Educational Mobility ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Primary Survey ◽  
The Government

Based on information obtained from 590 father–son pairs as part of the primary survey, this article discusses the issue of occupational and educational mobility among Indian Muslims. Intergenerational occupational and educational mobility and aggregate mobility measures have been analysed using mobility matrices. It uses a linear regression for education mobility and a multinomial logit model for occupational mobility to analyse the potential variables that are likely to influence sample households’ educational and occupational choices. The key finding is that educational mobility is much greater than occupational mobility and that half of the sons adhere to their fathers’ occupational categories. The results further show that the father’s occupation has a strong influence on the son’s educational achievement. It is recommended that the home, societal, peer pressure and the surroundings all be used to improve the educational outcome of the children. This study exhibits that Muslims’ perceptions of discrimination are substantially higher than their actual experiences, which stress the need for significantly improving communication between the government, NGOs, political parties and Muslim community leaders.

scholarly journals Parental engagement in social entrepreneurship by participatory action research at school of Nepal

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
G Maharjan ◽  
B Devkota ◽  
S Gjotterud ◽  
S L Bastien
Keyword(s):  
Action Research ◽  
Participatory Action Research ◽  
Social Entrepreneurship ◽  
Educational Achievement ◽  
Group Discussion ◽  
Study Finding ◽  
Parental Engagement ◽  
School Education ◽  
Educational Outcome ◽  
Participatory Action

Abstract School education has immense role for the better future of a country. However, schools such as in a developing, country like Nepal face many barriers in demand creation as well as quality in classroom delivery. Students enter the school with mental stress and family problems. This restricts the educational outcome of schooling. Social entrepreneurship (SE) is an alien idea still in most schools in Nepal. By this venture, School social entrepreneurship can help the students and society to detect the skill of life which changes their life standard in future. It helps students to be regular in school, improve their health and ultimately bring change in overall educational achievement. In contrary to this, because of students poor economic condition they are neither able to have proper breakfast nor lunch which leads to sleepiness and inability to concentrate in the class room. Hence their learning outcome is poor. Following a Participatory Action Research (PAR) paradigm, the first author spent more than a year with rigorous field engagement in Janajivan Secondary school at Chitwan district of Nepal in order to understand the context and real need of SE. The school has own building and enough land where opportunity to develop entrepreneurship activities with the concept of 'supporting livelihood of parents through SE' approach. To dig out the reasons, We used informal talk, focused group discussion, observation and interview with teachers, students, community members, school management committee and parents. The study finding indicates that lack of time, teacher's fear of commercialism, impeding educational structures and sustainability were some of the challenges integrating SE in school. Experiential earning and learning based activities can be practiced in school outside the classroom. Having SE at school with parental involvement can be innovative pedagogical approach in school education of Nepal. Key messages Entrepreneurship linking with health education. Promote livelihood with entrepreneurship by participatory action research.

The Singapore Ulama

2014 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 561-583 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tuty Raihanah Mostarom
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Political Choice ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
The Government ◽  
Common Perception

There is a common perception that Muslim religious leaders (ulama) in Singapore do not play any political role for the local Muslim community. Due to the seemingly close relationship between the government and grassroots Muslim organisations it is unsurprising that many presume that the activities of organisations such as the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS) and the Singapore Islamic Scholars and Religious Teachers Association (PERGAS) are closely monitored by the government. As a result of this environment, the ulama in Singapore do not enter into the political arena. This article argues that the very act of keeping religion out of formal political life in Singapore is a conscious position taken by the local ulama and that in itself is a form of politics. Choosing not to do something is a political choice.

Organization of the Indonesian Elections

1955 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 1067-1084 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert C. Bone
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Trained Personnel ◽  
The Government

Last September 29th, with over forty million voters eligible, Indonesia initiated its first parliamentary election since independence. Although the election of the 260-member, unicameral Parliament concluded November 29th, December 15th sees the voters again casting their ballots—this time for a 520-member constituent assembly charged with drafting Indonesia's first permanent constitution.The struggle to carry out elections has been a difficult and protracted one. It has required a decade of strenuous effort characterized by armed struggle, domestic insecurity, shortages of trained personnel and equipment, problems of communication between the nation's hundreds of islands scattered over 3,000 miles from east to west, an overwhelmingly illiterate electorate and, recently at least, reluctance on the part of certain influential groups to hasten matters.Whatever may be the outcome, the intent to hold elections has been present ever since the Indonesian Republic proclaimed its independence from the Netherlands on August 17, 1945. In a decree issued on November 3, 1945, for example, the Government of the Indonesian Republic avowed its intent to execute “the elections for members of the peoples' representative bodies in the month of January, 1946.” The decree in question was issued for the unique purpose of urging the formation of political parties.

Violence Against Women and Girls

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (10) ◽  
pp. 153-176
Author(s):  
Josephine Muthami ◽  
Haniel Nyaga Gatumu ◽  
Sahaya G. Selvam ◽  
Wambui J.
Keyword(s):  
Violence Against Women ◽  
Emotional Abuse ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
Peer Pressure ◽  
Coping Mechanism ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Problem Solving Skills ◽  
Factors Associated ◽  
Women And Girls ◽  
The Government

The purpose of the study was to highlight the factors associated with violence against women and girls and how they can benefit from therapy. The study was guided by the following objectives: to establish the factors associated with the occurrence of violence, determining the effectiveness of therapy in dealing with survivors of violence, exploring factors influencing or blocking effectiveness of therapy. A cross sectional research design was used in which questionnaires, an interviewing guide, focus group discussion and psychological assessment scale were used to collect study data. A sample of 75 women and girls was purposively selected from health facilities, counselling centres, chief camps, police station, NGOs and CBOs within Kibra Constituency. All respondents were females aged 18 years and above. The findings showed that all the respondents (100%) had been exposed to violence. The respondents who reported physical abuse were 30%, sexual abuse was reported by 10%, psychological and emotional abuse was reported by 16%, financial coercion was reported by 15%, neglect of children and duty by 13%, and verbal assault was reported by 16%.  Further, the results showed that the most common victims of violence are expectant mothers and children who are under the care of irresponsible persons. The most reported people to perpetrate violence were cited to be men. The responses given by the respondents as factors that trigger violence are: Previous assaults (61%), cultural expectations (61%), alcohol abuse and other drugs (49%), poor communication skills (49%), poor problem solving skills (49%), perpetrator outstretched demands on resources (49%), infidelity(37%), unemployment (37%), peer pressure (37%), frustration emanating from blocked goals (24%), childlessness (24%) and  personality traits (12%). Violence against women and girls impact negatively on their lives. The most common negative impact mentioned are depression by 75 respondents, children suffering cited by 65 respondents, family disintegration cited by 56 respondents, non-productivity, physical injury, and anxiety respectively cited  by 46 respondents. The survivors of violence have knowledge of where they can access help in order to cope with the consequences of violence. Of the 75 respondents, 75 of them said that counselling is very helpful. Perseverance is another coping mechanism mentioned by 75 respondents. Separation and keeping quite are strategies mentioned by 65 respondents. Going to hospital is another support and help available mentioned by 56 respondents. The respondents who opted for spiritual intervention were 47 while those who opted to start a business for sustainability were 38. Those who preferred sharing with significant others as a coping mechanism were 28. Last but not least, 18 women indicated that support groups are helpful in dealing with violence. The study recommended that women and girls should be empowered financially and policies put into place to curb violence. The government and other stakeholders should partner to support women and girls to overcome violence in the society.

POLITICAL ELITE AS A SCIENTIFIC PROBLEM

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-54
Author(s):  
Nargiza Ortikova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Professional Training ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Scientific Problem ◽  
Elite Theory ◽  
State Administration ◽  
Main Factors ◽  
The Government ◽  
Working Out

The article deals with the problems like capability and experience of development of political elite theory, the notion of political elite specialized in ruling a country and other problems in this sphere. The author of the article throws light on the activity of political elite members, groups of people who are occupied at ruling the government, state, political parties and other political institutions. Main factors which indicate tendencies and mechanisms of state development are also discussed in the article. The author of the article suggests that political elite is a ruling layer of a society and functions in the sphere of state administration. The author of the article approaches theoretically to the notions of political elite, which in most cases, consists of professional politicians, who had professional training on working out program and strategies of state administration.Key words: state administration, strategy, program, politician, political institution, analysis of problems, activity of groups

scholarly journals Penentuan Kandidat Kepala Pemerintah Aceh di Internal Partai Aceh

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Muhammad Ridwansyah
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Government Regulation ◽  
Research Results ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Strategic Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Party Congress

Artikel ini ingin menyorot mengenai penentuan kandidat pepala Pemerintah Aceh di internal Partai Aceh. Bertujuan untuk mengetahui dan menganalisis penentuan kandidat calon Kepala Pemerintah Aceh di Internal Partai Aceh. Serta mengetahui dan menganalisis penentuan kandidat calon Kepala Pemerintah Aceh di Internal Partai Aceh yang tidak merujuk kepada AD dan ART Partai Aceh sekaligus dengan Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 20 Tahun 2007 tentang Partai Politik Lokal di Aceh. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dalam pembahasan, disimpulkan: Pertama, bahwa proses penentuan kandidat calon Kepala Pemerintah Aceh di internal Partai Aceh tidak sesuai dengan Anggaran Dasar dan Anggaran Rumah Tangga Partai Aceh. Akan tetapi proses ditentukan dalam kongres partai hal ini berdasarkan pernyataan para elit-elit Partai Aceh. Kemudian Dewan Pimpinan Pusat, Dewan Pimpinan Wliayah, Dewan Pimpinan Sagoe, Dewan Pimpinan Mukim dan Dewan Pimpinan Gampong sudah mengadakan rapat dalam hal penentuan para kandidat yang diusung. Kedua, konsekuensi dari penentuan kandidat Kepala Pemerintah Aceh baik itu Calon Gubernur/Wakil Gubernur, Calon Bupati/Wakil Bupati, Calon Walikota/Wakil Walikota memang tidak merujuk kepada Anggaran Dasar dan Anggaran Partai Aceh, dalam Anggaran Rumah Tangga Pasal 6 yang menyatakan kewenangan Majelis Tuha Peut menentukan kebijakan strategis namun kenyataannya tidak demikian, hal ini inkonstitional karena melanggar ketentuan AD dan ART Partai Aceh. Karena legitimasi AD dan ART Partai Aceh diakui secara kuat oleh Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 20 Tahun 2007 tentang Partai Politik Lokal di Aceh. This article would like to highlight the determination of the Aceh Government candidate pala in internal Aceh Party. Aims to find out and analyze the determination of candidates for the candidates for the Head of the Government of Aceh in the Internal Aceh Party. As well as knowing and analyzing the determination of candidates for candidates for the Head of the Aceh Government in the Internal Aceh Party who did not refer to the AD and ART of the Aceh Party as well as Government Regulation Number 20 Year 2007 concerning Local Political Parties in Aceh. Based on the research results in the discussion, it was concluded: First, that the process of determining candidates for the Head of Aceh Government candidates in the Aceh Party internally was not in accordance with the Aceh Party Statutes and Bylaws. However, the process was determined at the party congress based on the statements of the Aceh Party elites. Then the Central Leadership Board, the Wliayah Leadership Board, the Sagoe Leadership Board, the Mukim Leadership Council and the Gampong Leadership Council held a meeting in determining the candidates to be promoted. Second, the consequences of determining the candidates for the Head of the Government of Aceh, whether Candidates for Governor / Deputy Governor, Candidates for Regent / Deputy Regent, Candidates for Mayor / Deputy Mayor, do not refer to the Statutes and Articles of the Aceh Party, in Article 6 of the Bylaws which states the authority of the Tuha Assembly Peut determines strategic policy but the reality is not the case, this is unconstitutional because it violates the provisions of the AD and ART of the Aceh Party. Because the legitimacy of the AD and ART of the Aceh Party is strongly recognized by Government Regulation Number 20 of 2007 concerning Local Political Parties in Aceh. 

scholarly journals Election Security and Violence in Ghana: The Case of Ayawaso West Wougon and Talensi By-elections

2020 ◽  
pp. 32-46
Author(s):  
Frank Bitafir Ijon
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
National Security ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Vital Role ◽  
Analysis Method ◽  
Content Analysis Method ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
The Government ◽  
Election Violence

Conducts of by-elections in recent times have been fraught with a lot of security challenges. This has been as a result of the violence that characterized the conduct of by-elections in recent times in Ghana. Violence during by-elections in Ghana plays a vital role in securing election victories for political parties. In all the by-elections characterized by violence in Ghana, they were won by parties that were accused of inciting the violence. The main tenets of election violence as identified by the paper included, actors, motives, timing, consequences, and patterns. The paper adopted the content analysis method in its investigation of the two violent by-elections in Ghana. The paper revealed that there was a correlation between violence during by-elections and victories of incumbent parties. This was because, in the two by-elections understudy, those accused of starting the violence and using national security operatives won the elections. The paper also found out that by-election violence impacted negatively on Ghana’s democratic maturity in several ways, such as; low voter turnout, weakening of democratic foundation and breeding an atmosphere of insecurity. Finally, the paper also revealed that political parties especially those in government resort to violence during by-elections in Ghana because they fear losing it will mean the government was underperforming as argued out by Feigert and Norris and also because they want to add to their tally in parliament.

scholarly journals Factors That Matter for Financial Inclusion: Evidence from Sub-Sharan Africa - The Zimbabwe Case

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 48
Author(s):  
David Mhlanga
Keyword(s):  
Smallholder Farmers ◽  
Multinomial Logistic Regression ◽  
Multinomial Logit Model ◽  
Financial Inclusion ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Farm Income ◽  
Smallholder Farming ◽  
Hand Off ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
The Government

The study intended to investigate the factors that are important in influencing the financial inclusion of smallholder farming households in Sub-Saharan Africa with a specific focus on Zimbabwe. Motivated by the fact that there is an increase in the evidence of the importance of financial inclusion in fighting poverty and the fact that by merely having a bank account, financial inclusion cannot be guaranteed, the study went further to interrogate factors that influence smallholder farmers to have a transaction account, to borrow and to have insurance. Since the dependent variable of financial inclusion had more than two categories, with three unordered categories, transaction account, savings/credit account, and insurance, the multinomial logistic regression was used to estimate the determinants of financial inclusion from these three categories of the dependent variable. The multinomial logit model results, with insurance as the reference category, indicated that the size of the household, transaction costs, gender and agricultural extension service were the factors influencing the demand for a household to open a transaction account. On the other hand, off-farm income and age of the household were the only two factors significantly influencing households to borrow. Therefore, it is imperative for, the government of Zimbabwe to come up with more policies that encourage farmers to participate in the formal financial market as financial inclusion can help to fight poverty and the general developments of societies.   Received: 28 April 2021 / Accepted: 31 August 2021 / Published: 5 November 2021

scholarly journals Problems, Challenges and Prospects of Indonesian Muslim Community in Sydney for Promoting Tolerance

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-184
Author(s):  
Ahmad Muttaqin ◽  
Achmad Zainal Arifin ◽  
Firdaus Wajdi
Keyword(s):  
Religious Affiliation ◽  
Social Needs ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Community Based ◽  
Islamic Studies ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
Australian Community ◽  
Political Idea ◽  
The Government ◽  
Muslim Communities

This paper elucidates a map of Indonesian Muslim communities around Sydney in order to observe the possibility to promote a moderate and tolerance of Indonesian Islam worldwide. Indonesian Muslims who live in Australia are relatively small if we consider that we are the closer neighbor of Australia and have the biggest Muslim populations in the world. Most Indonesian Muslim communities in Sydney are in a form of kelompok pengajian (Islamic study group), which is commonly based on ethnicity, regionalism (province and regency), and religious affiliation with Indonesian Islamic groups. The main problems of Indonesian Muslim communities in Sydney are an ambiguous identity, laziness integration, and dream to home country. Most Indonesian Muslim diaspora in Sydney only consider Australia as the land for making money. Therefore, their inclusion to Australian community is just being Indonesian Muslim in Australia and it seems hard for them to be Australian Muslim, especially in the case of those who already changed to be Australian citizens. This kind of diaspora attitude differs from Muslims Diasporas from the Middle East and South Asia countries who are mostly ready to be fully Australian Muslim.Naturally, most Indonesian Muslim communities put their emphasis to develop their community based on social needs and try to avoid political idea of Islamism. In this case, the Indonesian government, through the Indonesian Consulate in Sydney, has great resources to promote moderate and tolerant views of Indonesian Islam to other Muslim communities, as well as to Western media. In optimizing resources of Indonesian Muslim communities in Sydney to envoy Indonesian cultures and policies, it is necessary for Indonesian government to have a person with integrated knowledge on Islamic Studies who are working officially under the Indonesian consulate in Sydney. It is based on the fact that most Indonesian Muslim communities needs a patron from the government to manage and soften some differences among them, especially related to problems of identities, as well as to link them with the wider Australian communities.

scholarly journals A CRITICAL REVIEW OF GOVERNANCE IN THE DIGITAL ERA: A DEVELOPING NATION’S PERSPECTIVE

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 169-183
Author(s):  
Ankit Kashyap ◽  
Mehak Jonjua
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Winston Churchill ◽  
Digital Era ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Previous Election ◽  
The Government ◽  
To Come ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Mass Protest ◽  
Best Argument

‗The best argument against democracy is a five- minute conversation with the average voter‘ is a famous quote by Winston Churchill. The statement also indicates the success or failure in any form of government depends primarily on voters and not on parties or politicians. The sustenance of a government in a democratic set up and in the age of anti-incumbency is viable only if it has the mandate. The current government in the territory of India is thriving despite a strong effort by the opposition to come together and stand against the government. The last two Lok Sabha elections held in 2014 and 2019 in India has been exemplary from the perspective that it has largely been Bhartiya Janata Party versus all other political parties, unlike the previous election where there has been contest between ruling and opposition parties. This paper aims to review the functioning of the incumbent government in last five years from manifesto till its implementation. The paper also aims to review the different policies launched by the government and their outcome. The paper will also examine how the government took some landmark decisions that witnessed mass protest and may prove fatal in times to come.

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