‘Le petit coq gaullois’ or ‘the global diplomat’?

2011 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Hellman

•The aim of this article is to explore the extent to which the self-image of France expressed in relation to the United States has changed with changes in US foreign policy and paradigmatic changes in the international system. The article explores how the French political and intellectual elites related to the USA in the discourse of Le Monde and Le Figaro in 1984, 1994, 2004 and 2009. The analysis indicates that France’s self-image is connected to multilateralism, liberalism and cultural protectionism. The stabilizing effect of political culture is suggested as an explanation for the fact that the press represented France’s self-image in a more or less similar manner while different roles were ascribed to the USA over time. •

Author(s):  
Md. Razib Alam ◽  
Bonwoo Koo ◽  
Brian Paul Cozzarin

Abstract Our objective is to study Canada’s patenting activity over time in aggregate terms by destination country, by assignee and destination country, and by diversification by country of destination. We collect bibliographic patent data from the Canadian Intellectual Property Office and the United States Patent and Trademark Office. We identify 19,957 matched Canada–US patents, 34,032 Canada-only patents, and 43,656 US-only patents from 1980 to 2014. Telecommunications dominates in terms of International Patent Classification technologies for US-only and Canada–US patents. At the firm level, the greatest number of matched Canada–US patents were granted in the field of telecommunications, at the university level in pharmaceuticals, at the government level in control and instrumentation technology, and at the individual level in civil engineering. We use entropy to quantify technological diversification and find that diversification indices decline over time for Canada and the USA; however, all US indices decline at a faster rate.


Author(s):  
A. Borisova

The last five years defined an alternative course in the US foreign policy. Obama's reelection caused staff transfers which notably influenced the course. This comprehensive process is based on tremendous work conducted by the Administration of Barak Obama, in particular by John Kerry, who was appointed as a Secretary of State in 2013. His personality plays a significant role in American domestic and foreign policy interrelation. Adoption or rejection of the bills, which are well-known today, depended in large on a range of circumstances, such as personality, life journey and political leader career of the today's Secretary of State. John Kerry’s professional life is mainly associated with domestic policy; nevertheless, he has always been interested in foreign relations and national security issues. Those concerns generally included: non-proliferation, US security, ecological problems, fight against terrorism. The article is intended to highlight Kerry’s efforts in each of these fields, showing not only his actions, but also difficult process of adoption or banning bills in the USA. The author tried to display the whole complicated decision-making process among different parties, businessmen and politicians, law and money clashes. The results of many former endeavors can be seen today, in the modern US policy. Based on assumptions about Secretary of State’s beliefs, certain road map can be predicted. In conclusion, the article offers several courses, where the United States are likely to be most active during the next few years. It can be judged exactly which way some current political issues will develop, how the US foreign policy will be shaped by today's decision-makers in the White House.


2019 ◽  
Vol 96 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jami S Leichliter ◽  
Patricia J Dittus ◽  
Casey E Copen ◽  
Sevgi O Aral

ObjectivesWithin the context of rising rates of reportable STIs in the USA, we used national survey data to examine temporal trends in high-risk factors that indicate need for STI/HIV preventive services among key subpopulations with disproportionate STI rates.MethodsWe used data from the 2002 (n=12 571), 2006–2010 (n=22 682) and 2011–2015 (n=20 621) National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG). NSFG is a national probability survey of 15–44 year olds living in US households. We examined STI risk factors among sexually active men who have sex with men (MSM) and Hispanic, non-Hispanic black, 15–19 year old, 20–24 year old, and 25–29 year old women who have sex with men (WSM) and men who have sex with women (MSW). Risk behaviours included: received money or drugs for sex, gave money or drugs for sex, partner who injected drugs, partner who has HIV, non-monogamous partner (WSM, MSW only) and male partner who had sex with other men (WSM only). Endorsement of any of these behaviours was recoded into a composite variable focusing on factors indicating increased STI risk (yes/no). We used chi-squares and logistic regression (calculating predicted marginals to estimate adjusted prevalence ratios (aPRs)) to examine STI risk factors over time among the key subpopulations.ResultsFrom 2002 to 2011–2015, reported STI risk factors did not change or declined over time among key subpopulations in the USA. In adjusted analyses comparing 2002 to 2011–2015, we identified significant declines among WSM: Hispanics (aPR=0.84 (0.68–1.04), non-Hispanic blacks (aPR=0.69 (0.58–0.82), adolescents (aPR=0.71 (0.55–0.91) and 25–29 year olds (aPR=0.76 (0.58–0.98); among MSW: Hispanics (aPR=0.53 (0.40–0.70), non-Hispanic blacks (aPR=0.74 (0.59–0.94) and adolescents (aPR=0.63 (0.49–0.82); and among MSM (aPR=0.53 (0.34–0.84).ConclusionsWhile reported STIs have increased, STI risk factors among key subpopulations were stable or declined. Condom use related to these risk factors, sexual mixing patterns and STI testing should be examined.


2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-106
Author(s):  
Danguole Bardauskaite

Abstract The aim of this research is to answer the question how the American think tank experts on the Middle East and US foreign policy towards the Middle East perceive the region and its construction, with a particular focus on the process of Othering. In order to achieve this aim, the article presents the theoretical explanations of the Othering. In the empirical part, the results of semi-structured interviews with the experts are analyzed and presented. The interviews revealed three angles of how the Middle East is perceived. These angles are the geographical location of the Middle East, the securitization of the Middle East and the universal superiority of the United States. The main finding of the research is that the perception of the Middle East is connected with the self perception or the question of “What is the United States of America?”


Daedalus ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 146 (2) ◽  
pp. 128-141
Author(s):  
Keith A. Darden

Has the development of post-Soviet Russia in an international system dominated by a democracy-promoting United States bred an authoritarian reaction in Russia as a response to perceived threats from the West? Beginning with the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in 1999, Russian elites have increasingly seen the United States as a distinctively threatening power, one with a strategy to exploit civic organizations, ethnic groups, and other forms of domestic pluralism as “fifth columns” in an effort to overthrow unfriendly regimes. With each new crisis in U.S.-Russian relations – Ukraine 2004, Georgia 2008, Ukraine 2014 – the Russian leadership has tightened controls over society, the press, and the state. The result is that the United States’ muscular promotion of democracy abroad has produced the opposite of its intended effect on Russia, leading successive Russian governments to balance the perceived threat from the United States by pursuing greater military and intelligence capacity to intervene abroad, and by tightening internal authoritarian controls at home to prevent foreign exploitation of the nascent internal pluralism that emerged in the wake of Communism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Rohit Chopra

My paper focuses on Jodh Singh, a marginal figure in the archives of the Ghadar Party, who was arrested for High Treason against the United States for his role in the “Hindu Conspiracy” plots aimed at the British government of India. Incarcerated in a California prison, Singh was moved to a sanatarium on displaying symptoms of insanity. Through a close reading of a web of archival documents and scholarly reflections—at the center of which lies the report of a commission appointed to inquire into his mental condition—I examine the account of the madness of Jodh Singh as a statement about patriotism and paranoia. In engagement with the work of Foucault, Guha, and scholars of the Ghadar movement, I describe how the record of Singh’s experiences indicts the juridical-legal-medical framework of American society as operating on a distinction between legtimate and illegitimate madness. I also examine how Jodh Singh points to the glimmers of a critique of the self-image of the Ghadar Party as a revolutionary movement committed to egalitarian principles. I conclude with a reflection on what Jodh Singh might tell us about the relationship between madness, political aspiration, and the yearning for solidarity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-38
Author(s):  
Yelena Yermakova

The changing situation in the Arctic due to global warming has prompted media coverage of a supposed “scramble for the Arctic,” an “Arctic boom,” or an “Arctic Bonanza.” Some even go further, deploying the rhetoric of a “New Cold War,” predicting an inevitable clash between the United States and Russia over interests in the region. The press coverage in both countries over the past decade reflects this new sensationalism. The academic literature unequivocally confirms that the press exerts substantial influence on governmental policy makers, and vice versa. However, while scholars agree that international organizations (IOs) are essential to shaping policies, the existing literature lacks research on media’s relationship with IOs, which often struggle to obtain the coverage and publicity they deserve. The Arctic Council has provided an effective platform for constructive dialogue and decision making involving the USA and Russia. Accordingly, despite disagreements in other regions of the world, the two global powers have managed to cooperate in the Arctic – notwithstanding recent media coverage painting a different and incomplete picture. This project surveys the media coverage of the Arctic over the past decade in Russia and the USA and its correlation with the Arctic Council’s activities. The analysis draws upon two prominent news organizations in Russia (Kommersant and Izvestiya) and two in the USA (the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal), as well as the Arctic Council’s press releases from June 2006 to June 2017. The paper finds that there is a clear disconnect between media coverage of the region and the Arctic Council’s activities. It recommends that the media pay more attention to the organization, particularly since it is the only prominent platform for international cooperation in the Arctic.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-78
Author(s):  
William Hunter ◽  
Robert L Williamson ◽  
Andrea D Jasper ◽  
Laura Baylot Casey ◽  
Clinton Smith

Abstract Researchers have found that English teachers in the United States of America (USA) perceive providing writing instruction to students with emotional behavioral disorders (EBD) as a difficult task. This could be associated with the fact that students with EBD often work below skill level in the content area of writing compared to same age peers. Researchers continue to investigate interventions to increase academic outcomes for students with EBD. Utilizing a single case design, three middle school students with EBD were observed in a self-contained classroom to determine the effects of a traditional and technology based self-monitoring intervention focused on decreasing student off-task behaviors while increasing scores on writing assignments. The study took place in an urban school district within the Southeastern region of the USA. Results indicated that the first two intervention phases were equally as effective at reducing off-task behaviors. Additionally, the third intervention phase led to decreased off-task behaviors and increased writing scores for all students compared to the previous two phases. Social validity assessments indicated that the self-monitoring interventions were useful and relevant for teachers and students with EBD in the self-contained setting. Implications for teachers and educational researchers are discussed within this article.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
C E Willison ◽  
P M Singer

Abstract Background In the United States, political regimes directly influence health policy agenda setting, adoption and reform. The priorities of health policy shift across administrations and over time as political parties evolve, polarization occurs, and key political actors change. What is less clear is the degree to which other ideologies - such as nationalism and populism - shape the types of policies that are pursued and adopted in health care. We hypothesize that trends in nationalism and populism in the US across presidential administrations influence the scope of access across different populations in health policies. Additionally, we argue that the rise of populism and nationalism in the United States under the Trump administration has led to restrictions on accessing health programs through targeted limitations placed on certain populations. Methods We apply a comparative historical analysis framework to track changes in healthcare policy over time that reflect populist or nationalist agendas. We analyze health policies enacted and pursued by presidential administrations as well as trends in populism and nationalism across presidential administrations in the U.S. Results Results demonstrate that as populist sentiments rise, a parallel trend of increased othering in health policies takes place. This othering appears to reflect policies targeting supporters through both policy spoils and values while constraining opposing groups (e.g. increased restrictions on out-group members such racial/ethnic minorities). Conclusions Our results highlight the tension that exists in populist and nationalist health policy. Populist and nationalist leaders need to strike a balance between ensuring that their “people” continue to have access to health programs, requiring targeted limits placed within programs. Much of the limitations placed on populations are accomplished through submerged mechanisms and by devolving administration and governance to state and local governments.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (10) ◽  
pp. 59-73
Author(s):  
Sergey Yu. Vradiy

The capture on 23rd June 1954 of the Soviet oil tanker “Tuapse” by the Republic of China (ROC) Navy became one of the most dramatic episodes in Cold War history. The Soviet vessel heading from Odessa to Shanghai was transporting, as indicated in the Bill of Lading, lighting kerosene. In the neutral waters of the Luzon Strait, north of the Philippines, the tanker was shelled, detained, and the crew were arrested, then escorted to the port of Kaohsiung in the south of Taiwan. This event which was developing into an international sensation almost provoked an armed clash between the United States of America (USA) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). The aggravated confrontation overflowed onto the pages of the press, concentrating in diplomatic debates at the United Nations (UN) meetings during which the accusation raised respectively against Taiwan of “violating freedom of navigation on the high seas,” and to the USA of aiding to piracy. The detention of the tanker “Tuapse” in 1954 became a pretext for fierce debates and conflicts between Taiwan and the USSR at the UN. Thirty years later, in the second half of the 1980s, the discussion about the consequences of this incident resumed the fragile political contacts between Taiwan and the USSR, which became a noticeable sign of a thaw in their relations, though no one had yet imagined at that time how far the process of rapprochement could go. Based on recently declassified documents from the archive of the ROC Ministry of Defense, especially the reports of Navy officers who performed the operation to their commanders, this paper reveals the chronology of how the interception of the “Tuapse” Soviet oil tanker was implemented.


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