scholarly journals Fashion Designer Sebagai Alternatif Keterlibatan Perempuan Maroko Di Ruang Publik

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Rahmi Nur Fitri

Maroko pada dasarnya tidak jauh berbeda dengan negara-negara Arab lainnya, yang mana perempuan memiliki akses yang terbatas di ruang publik. Sikap konservatif dan tradisi patriarki mengantarkan perempuan ke tingkat yang sulit untuk terlibat aktif di sektor publik. National Strategy for Equity and Equality di Maroko menginisiasikan untuk mengurangi tingkat diskrimasi terhadap perempuan, tetapi fakta lapangan menunjukkan sebaliknya. Kebiasaan dan tatanan sosial di masyarakat menjadi faktor yang menghambat proses perubahan. Tulisan ini mengkaji berbagai upaya yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah Maroko untuk meningkatkan keterlibatan perempuan. Selain usaha yang dilakukan pemerintah, karya ilmiah ini juga memaparkan peran aktif yang dilakoni oleh perempuan Maroko secara langsung pada saat negara tampak tidak maksimal dalam mereduksi ketidakadilan bagi mereka. Nama-nama tokoh penggerak perempuan dari negeri Maghribi ini kemudian mulai bermunculan, seperti Fatima Mernissi, seorang sosiolog yang menaruh banyak perhatian terhadap persoalan perempuan. Namun, fokus tulisan adalah perempuan Maroko yang menunjukkan ketertarikannya di bidang fashion desainer yang kemudian memiliki label dan jangkauan pasar yang luas. Pengakuan sosial mulai didapatkan oleh Sofia El Arabi dan Ilham Benami melalui bidang ini. Rosaline Delmer menyebutkan bahwa perempuan memiliki kemampuan untuk memajukan kepentingannya didasarkan kepada pemahaman yang mereka yakini. Perempuan Maroko menemukan tempat untuk mereka di ruang publik melalui profesi sebagai desainer. Berkarir di bidang ini menjadi sebuah apresiasi bagi mereka tanpa harus terlibat konfrontasi dengan laki-laki di ranah publik.[Morroco has not especially differences among Arab countries, in which woman have limited access in public sphere. Conservative tradition and patriarchy lead woman to difficult level to be actively involved in public field. National Strategy for Equity and Equality in Morroco initiate to decrease inequity of woman, despite the reality has denoted of divergence. Custom and social order are preventation of change in society. This paper examines various efforts which was made by Morroco’s government to expand woman’s involvement. In addition, the article will explain how far woman contributed in directly activity when the government is not earnestly to reduce injustice for woman. Then, names of female activists from Morroco began to appear, such as Fatima Mernissi, a sociologist who lay down her interest in women’s issues. Nevertheless, this article only focus on Morocco’s women who show interest in fashion desaigner, through this field they have their own label and extend market places. Social recognition has been earned by Sofia El Arabi and Ilham Benami from this field. Rosaline Dalmer addresses, based on comprehension every women has ability to extend her needs and desires. Morrocan’s women have actively found their role as designer in public sphere. A career in this field is an appreciation for them whose they can be spared with men from confrontation in public field.]

2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 78
Author(s):  
M. Zainuddin

This research to analyze the impact of closure policy Teleju brothel by Pekanbaru govermentin 2010. Guidelines for works are Pekanbaru Local Regulations No. 12 of 2008 on Social Order-liness. Closure this brothel inflicts positive and negative impact for society.The research wasconducted to obtain early stage formula for the government to take action against the prostitu-tion activities. This research uses policy research approach with a qualitative method, becausein prostitution activities and prohibition by goverment is an assessment that needs to be done byanalyzing documents and unstructured interview.The results showed that after the closing of the Teleju brothel have an impact on the deploy-ment of a prostitution and affect the economy of the surrounding residents. Government seeksto tackle prostitution in Pekanbaru by moving the brothel, conduct regular raids and providetraining. The effort is considered to be less than the maximum because the handling is not basedon the root of the problem and not programmed properly. There are several causes of failure ofgovernment to overcome the prostitution problem in Pekanbaru, including: policy content isless focus on the prostitution problem, the government did not proceeds with data, lack of finan-cial support, contra productive programs between local government with the police and TNI,and the policy object is difficult to be given understanding.


SUHUF ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-357
Author(s):  
Jonathan Zilberg

This article describes the conflicted genesis of the Museum Istiqlal, the history of  the creation of the collection, and the state of the institution relative to other Indonesian museums. It emphasizes both  positive developments underway and the historical problems facing the institution. Above all, it focuses on the role the museum was originally intended to serve for the Indonesian Muslim public sphere and the significant potential the museum has to better serve that mission in the national and international sphere. In short, the article emphasizes that in the context of the Government of Indonesia’s current four year plan to revive the museum sector, the problems and opportunities presented at the Museum Istiqlal are symptomatic of endemic national challenges for both the museum and the education sector.


2021 ◽  
pp. 095715582110091
Author(s):  
Ramona Mielusel

In this article, I am looking at two popular ‘ethnic’ comedies, L’Italien (2010) and Mohamed Dubois (2013), that promote dialogue and conviviality between Franco-Maghrebi and Franco-French people in France while questioning the societal feasibility of legislative measures of inclusiveness, visibility and equality of chances promoted by the government in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Considering some challenges in the representations, the comedies offer, at times, a social critique of certain stereotypical views on Islam and the destiny of Muslims on French soil, but they conclude in an optimistic tone supporting the idea that there is cultural métissage in France and that Muslims and Christians do mix in today’s diverse France. The popularity of these comedies attests to the fact that there is a need to bring up the issues of Islam in France and of the cohabitation between Muslims and Christian French citizens in the public sphere. I suggest however that while the Franco-Maghrebi’s ‘essentialist identity’ is challenged in the films, there are still neo-colonialist tensions in the artistic productions that entail ambivalence towards the Muslim characters. In a Franco-French dominated film-consuming culture, the Franco-Maghrebi characters are still subject to mimicry, which consistently maintains their subordinate position in the French culture.


2011 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 463-480 ◽  
Author(s):  
Máiréad Enright

This article discusses the case of Shekinah Egan, an Irish Muslim girl who asked to be allowed to wear the hijab to school. It traces the media and government response to her demand, and frames that demand as a citizenship claim. It focuses in particular on a peculiarity of the Irish response; that the government was disinclined to legislate for the headscarf in the classroom. It argues that – perhaps counter-intuitively – the refusal to make law around the hijab operated to silence the citizenship claims at the heart of the Egan case. To this extent, it was a very particular instance of a broader and ongoing pattern of exclusion of the children of migrants from the Irish public sphere.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (12) ◽  
pp. 424-437
Author(s):  
Alain Symphorien Ndongo

Housing as a place where household members spend about half (12 hours) of their daily time, including six to eight hours in sleep, is one of the essential conditions in the fight against poverty and precariousness.  The current Congolese urban environment is facing serious problems: small plots of land, lack of suitable housing in relation to the size and composition of households, overcrowding, and water and electricity supplies. This situation is becoming critical with the appearance of deviant behavior among children aged between 10 and 30. The government and its development partners have demonstrated their powerlessness face to this situation, leaving thousands of children on the streets without education or family warmth to form real criminal gangs. These street children have created the phenomena of "kuluna" and "black babies". It has been shown that these one act in this way for their survival, claiming their rights. In this study, we find innovative proposals to provide households sheltering adulterine and adoptive children with low-cost social housing, in order to restore the image of the head of the household and provide the children with a pleasant space for their physical, economic, cultural and spiritual development. This will undoubtedly help to find solutions to the problems facing children and indeed Congolese society as a whole today. The study revealed that if the government does not take practical measures in response to the phenomena created by wayward children, especially "black babies" and "kuluna", there will be a massive adherence of other children, especially the adulterine and adoptive ones. There will be a risk of the phenomena will to be exported to rural areas. The study recommends a "State - Household" partnership in the manufacture of new types of urban housing for households housing children likely to integrate or create gangs, jeopardizing social order and public security.


Human Affairs ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Olatunji Oyeshile

Sense of Community and its Sustenance in AfricaThere is no gainsaying the fact that Africa is inundated with many problems which have made the development and the attainment of social order, conceived in normative terms, daunting tasks. It is also a fact that there are many causes of this scenario such as political marginalization, ethnic chauvinism, economic mismanagement, religious bigotry and corruption in its various facets. However, in this disquisition we identify the lack of the development, internalization and application of the sense of community, loosely tagged community consciousness, as a major factor that has aggravated the African crisis and which if addressed can reverse the order of things positively. It is the contention of this paper that fundamentally in the case of Africa, as shown in countries like the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, Cote d'Ivoire, Guinea, Liberia and Nigeria, there has been a blind pursuit of private or individual interests to the detriment of the public sphere or public good. Ironically too, when leaders put up repressive laws in the pretense to pursue the public good, the underlying motive has always been the pursuit of selfish private whims and caprices. We noted that in contemporary Africa a major way towards a desired level of social order and development consists in engendering the required sense of community (a situation in which there is mutual co-operation, interdependence and fellow-feeling) on which other developments can be predicated. Although, the quest and realization of the sense of community is not a grand solution to our myriad of problems in Africa, at least it forms the basis on which we can start to address our problems in Africa in a meaningful way.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arun Jacob

The main objective behind the parliamentary practice of Question Period is to ensure that the government is held accountable to the people. Rather than being a political accountability tool and a showcase of public discourse, these deliberations are most often displays of vitriolic political rhetoric. I will be focusing my research on the ways in which incivil political discourse permeates the political mediascape with respect to one instance in Canadian politics - the acquisition of the F-35 Lightning II Joint Strike Fighter. I believe that incivility in the political discourse of Question Period must be understood within the mechanics of the contemporary public sphere. By interrogating the complexities of how political discourse is being mediatized, produced and consumed within the prevailing ideological paradigms, I identify some of the contemporary social, cultural and political practices that produce incivility in parliamentary discourse.


2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (3) ◽  
pp. 191-208
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Kubacka

The aim of this article is to show the home as an emotional place. The sphere of social conditions, which has been neglected until recently, can help explain emotion as a social construct. Many researchers have pointed to the emotional dimension of the experience of the home and living practices. A home is a complex place, a conglomerate of three aspects: material, symbolic, and relational. The experience of domesticity can be considered to have multiple aspects and to be variable. Taking emotions into account enables a fuller understanding of the duality of household practices, in connection with both their “function” and their role in creating, recreating, and changing the rules of the social order. In this sense, a home is located between the private and public sphere, emotional authenticity and emotional work, freedom and control, socialization and de-socialization, everyday life and celebration.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Mamdouh A. Shouman ◽  
Abdulaziz S. Alkabaa

Abstract This study aimed at testing Saudi state capacity in its response to the covid-19 pandemic. The model investigated the significant impact of different curfew levels (a measure of state capacity) on covid-19 cases across five main cities. We used a Negative Binomial regression model to study the association between the covid-19 cases and other independent variables that include curfew levels. Our regression results have tested Saudi state capacity in four different curfew levels, revealing that the Saudi government exhibited its ability to implement one curfew level that decreased covid-19 cases. This curfew level (four) was the most effective policy implementation of all levels that assessed state capacity but required more resources and manpower. Hence, the Saudi state has the capacity to implement its desired policies, however, it needs an increased number of resources and manpower to do that. These findings render comparative implications to gcc monarchies and other Arab countries.


Author(s):  
Aziz Douai

YouTube has enabled new forms of political dissent in Arab societies. This chapter examines the development and rise of YouTube in the Arab world. In particular, it looks at how this video exchange site is invigorating the online public sphere’s vigorous demand for political reform and respect for human rights. Specifically, this investigation explores how social networking capabilities have made YouTube an effective asset in dissidents’ arsenal among Arab activists. To examine the vibrancy of this fledgling online public sphere, the chapter scrutinizes how activists incorporated YouTube videos to shed light on human rights abuses, specifically police abuse, corruption, and brutality in two Arab countries, Egypt and Morocco. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the new campaigning modes that the Internet and YouTube have facilitated.


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