Theodor Heuss „Zu Ernst Troeltschs Gedächtnis“. Eine Gedenkrede im „Demokratischen Klub Berlin“

Author(s):  
Friedrich Wilhelm Graf

Abstract On September 12, 1949, the liberal politician Theodor Heuss, party leader of the „Freie Demokratische Partei“ (FDP), was elected by the Bundesversammlung (Federal Convention) as the first Bundespräsident, i. e. head of state, of the newly founded Bundesrepublik Deutschland. As a young man Heuss had been a close friend and political ally of Friedrich Naumann, the protestant pastor and left wing liberal politician, supported by Ernst Troeltsch. Heuss then working as a political journalist for liberal newspapers and Naumann’s weekly journal Die Hilfe, was an admirer of Troeltsch, and since 1910 they often met in Heidelberg, at Villa Fallenstein, Ziegelhäuser Landstraße 17, where Max and Marianne Weber as well als the Troeltschs lived; Heuss frequently visited Max Weber’s Sunday jour fixe. When in 1915 Troeltsch became a professor at the Philosophical Faculty of Berlin University Heuss regularly kept in contact with him especially through Hans Delbrück’s „Mittwochabend“, a weekly gathering of liberal intellectuals, professors, politicians and journalists discussing political reforms and the ongoing war. Both Troeltsch and Heuss, 19 years younger, demanded the democratization of the Deutsches Reich, and after the end of the war and the revolution of 1918/19 they became members of the newly founded left wing liberal party „Deutsche Demokratische Partei“ (DDP). After Troeltsch’s sudden death on February 1st, 1923, Heuss wrote an obituary, and, together with his wife Elly Heuss-Knapp, attended the funeral service conducted by Adolf von Harnack. Heuss was a member of the „Demokratischer Klub Berlin“, founded in 1919 by liberal politicians, bankers and academics to regularly discuss the political situation of the new democratic state, the Weimar Republic. Unknown until now, seven weeks after Troeltsch’s death the „Demokratische Klub“ invited its members (the club only had male mebers!) to a memorial act for Troeltsch. On this occasion Heuss delivered a speech „Zu Ernst Troeltschs Gedächtnis“ („To the Memory of Ernst Troeltsch“) which is published here for the first time.

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.


Soundings ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 75 (75) ◽  
pp. 66-81
Author(s):  
Colin Coulter ◽  
John Reynolds

The 2020 Irish general election result was widely characterised as both a 'shock' and as a victory for the left. These claims are only partially true. The recent turn to the left was not a sudden development, but rather an expression of how the Irish political landscape has changed since the global financial crash. And while the electorate certainly appear more open to left-wing politics, the principal beneficiaries in terms of the popular vote (Sinn Féin) and access to power (the Greens) were parties with only questionable left-wing credentials. Before a new government could even be formed, the advent of the global health pandemic transformed the political terrain once more, with the two traditionally dominant centre-right parties (Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil) agreeing to share power for the first time. While the restoration of the political status quo has exposed the weakness of the republican left, we suggest that the neoliberal policies that lie ahead may in time revive the fortunes of the socialist left.


2021 ◽  
pp. 33-59
Author(s):  
Maria M. Beklemisheva

The article studies the views of the Slavophile Alexandre Baschmakoff on the essence and solution of the «Macedonian question» in 1899 developed in his book «Bulgaria and Macedonia» and archival letters to Count N. P. Ignatiev, the latter for the first time used as a historical source. Special aspects of the representation of facts in Baschmakoff’s book and letters are highlighted. In addition the author documents the unofficial manner of his trip. It is shown that Baschmakoff sought to reach Macedonia by the time of the alleged general uprising and become a mediator between the rebels and official Russia. One of the main sources of information about the political situation in the region for him during the trip were testimonies of Bulgarian oppositionists, while his concept of ethnic composition in Macedonia was based on his own observations. The main attention in the work is paid to Baschmakoff’s ideas about the necessary Russian foreign policy course in Bulgaria and Macedonia in 1899: in his opinion, the goal of Russian diplomacy should have been an establishment of autonomy in Macedonia avoiding war and an active foreign policy course towards the Balkans.


2019 ◽  
pp. 5-26
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Lorencka ◽  
Giulia Aravantinou Leonidi

What are the consequences of Syriza coming to power in Greece in 2015? Did it become a new Weimar Germany for the future Europe? In this article we test the hypothesis that winning two consecutive parliamentary elections in 2015 and forming a government contributed to a farther institutionalisation of this party within the rules of Greek democracy. This article is based on data from the Greek Ministry of Interior and the website of the Greek parliament. This text aims at presenting the process of transformation of Syriza - a radical, left-wing, anti-establishment and anti-austerity party into a governmental entity, pro systemic and accepting the principle of the democratic state of law. All this was due to the establishing of the governmental coalition with ANEL, a nationalist party; social-economic reforms; the reform of the electoral system for parliamentary elections; the proposal of a constitutional reform and the ending of the nearly 30-year dispute with Macedonia. The electoral failure during the parliamentary elections on the 7th of July 2019 finishes a 4-year governance of Syriza and enables us to try to evaluate this experiment for the first time. A key finding of our investigation is the need to highlight the respect for the democratic rules by Syriza during its government and its further institutionalisation as one of the main groupings of the contemporary party system in Greece.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-237
Author(s):  
Andrey Nikolaevich Komarov

The key idea of this article is that, for the first time, on the example of the domestic and foreign policy of the Canadian Liberals, led by Justin Trudeau, we discuss the problems and prospects of Canadian Liberalism. The recent defeat of the Conservative Party of Canada in the 2019 parliamentary elections gave the impression that only the Liberal Party contributes to the prosperity of the modern Canadian state. The closest attention to the activities of the Liberal Party allows us to identify its absolute advantages and corresponding shortcomings. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to analyze and investigate both the indisputable advantages and current shortcomings of the Liberal Party in power, and against this background to determine the effectiveness, or vice versa, the incompetence of Canadian liberalism as a political ideology. At the same time, according to the author, it is necessary to separate objective and subjective factors associated with the presence of liberals in power. The objective ones are related to how the Liberals program settings meet the needs of the time, while the subjective ones characterize how an individual, and, above all, the party leader, implements the partys requests and the electorates hopes. In this regard, the reputation of its leader is of crucial importance. On the basis of the considered source base, and, first of all, the electoral programs of Liberals under Trudeau, since coming to power in 2015. In the first part of the article, the author presents a comparative analysis of the results of the liberals in the parliamentary elections in 2015 and 2019, explaining the reasons for the victory of the latter, and obtaining, respectively, a parliamentary majority, and then a minority. The second part of the article is devoted directly to the aspects of the domestic and foreign policy of the Liberals in 2015-2020. The author comes to the conclusion that the Canadian liberalism, implemented by Justin Trudeau is currently the leading political ideology that unites a significant part of the electorate.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 109-113
Author(s):  
Rustam Аlhazurovich Tovsultanov ◽  
Lilia Nadipovna Galimova

This paper analyzes the political and military situation prevailing in Chechnya at the end of XVIII - the first quarter of the XIX century. The authors note that the crisis of the military-political situation in Chechnya occurred after a number of regions and countries of the Caucasus joined Russia in the early XIX century. The establishment of effective control over the unconquered mountain people converted from a purely border problem into a strategic task for the tsarism. This task was given to General A.P. Yermolov who paid all his attention to the left wing (which included Chechnya) of the Caucasian line and Chechnya became a priority of his policy. A.P. Yermolov immediately began to carry out a rigid policy towards the mountaineers, the aim of frequent punitive expeditions was to intimidate the Chechens. A.P. Yermolovs policy gradually led to the consolidation of different Chechen communities, primarily divided into clans and tribes. This rigid policy of the Caucasian Chechen governor in 1825 raised uprising. Bay-Bulat Taymiev headed this movement. In this connection the paper also explores the uprising of Bay-Bulat Taymiev in 1825-1826, the causes and nature of the movement of mountaineers, analyzes the causes of the defeat and the result of the uprising. The authors assess the role and significance of Bay-Bulat Taymiev in the history of Chechnya.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 16
Author(s):  
Maria Jesús Pinar

The aim of this paper is to analyse 12 political cartoons published by Steve Bell in the left-wing oriented newspaper The Guardian to show how visual metaphors and metonymies and intertextual references are powerful strategies to present potent rhetorical depictions of political candidates and political issues. These devices are used to establish intertextual links across political cartoons and historical events, contemporary culture, paintings, literary works and illustrations. The themes that appear regularly in political cartoons have been identified, as well as a number of categories of source domains in visual metaphors. The analysis of the cartoons reveals that the interpretation of the cartoon and the appreciation of humour depend on the audience’s access to background knowledge, both of the political situation described in the cartoon and the intertextual references presented, on the audience’s ideology and on the decoding of the characteristics mapped onto the target of the metaphor.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (11-2) ◽  
pp. 4-28
Author(s):  
Sergey Kulikov

For the first time in historiography, the article examines the nature of the political views and political ritual of Nicholas II and the correlation of these factors, which had a decisive influence on the internal political situation of the Russian Empire in the late 19th - early 20th centuries. The author comes to the conclusion that in modernizing societies, political rituals do not so much reveal, but hide the true political views of the modernizing ruler.


2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-162
Author(s):  
Frans-Jos Verdoodt

Op het einde van 2008 bevond het centrale bestuur van België zich sinds ruim anderhalf jaar in een uitzichtloos gewaande crisis. Toen werden door het staatshoofd enkele politici naar voren geroepen die zich eigenlijk reeds in de herfst van hun politieke loopbaan bevonden. Eén onder hen, Herman Van Rompuy, werd premier. Een andere, Wilfried Martens, verkende de politieke toestand en bakende het pad af voor de nieuwe premier.Vooral het naar voren treden van Martens was een opmerkelijk feit, zowel inhoudelijk als qua stijl. Een geschikte gelegenheid dus om het politieke parcours dat hij gedurende decennia had afgelegd te beschrijven en te analyseren. Dat kon gebeuren aan de hand van de gedenkschriften die hij een paar jaar voordien over die eigen loopbaan had gepubliceerd. Tegelijk werden die gedenkschriften in sommige onderdelen getoetst aan memoires van zijn tijdgenoten en aan recentere lectuur over bepaalde onderdelen van de zogenaamde ‘periode-Martens’.________The old caravan passes by. Wilfried Martens, his political generation, his memoriesAt the end of 2008 the national government of Belgium had been experiencing a crisis for over a year and a half and which was deemed to be hopeless. At that time the head of state called upon a few politicians who in fact had already reached the autumn of their political career. One of them, Herman Van Rompuy became Prime Minister. Another, Wilfried Martins, explored the political situation and set out the path for the new Prime Minister.It was particularly the fact that Martens came to the fore that was remarkable, both in reference to content and style. This is therefore a suitable opportunity to describe and analyse the political path he had pursued during decades. This could be achieved on the basis of the memoirs about his own career that he had published a few years earlier. At the same time certain parts of these memoirs were checked by comparison with memoirs of his contemporaries and with more recent publications about certain details of the so-called 'Martens period'.


1989 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 627-641 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham D. Goodlad

It is hardly surprising that, for many years, historians of the political crisis of 1885–6 gave relatively little attention to the land purchase proposals which accompanied Gladstone's first Home Rule Bill. For the Land Purchase Bill progressed no further than its first reading on 16 April 1886, one week after that of its partner. Within weeks it was recognized by its sponsors as a political liability and, unlike the Home Rule Bill, never reached a parliamentary division. In recent years, there has been a re-evaluation of its significance as a policy initiative for Ireland. Two major works published in the centenary year of the crisis challenged Professor John Vincent's claim, in an article which appeared just over a decade ago, that the Land Bill was a ‘dummy’ whose place in Gladstone's scale of priorities was dictated by the exigencies of the parliamentary timetable and of internal cabinet manoeuvrings. Both Dr James Loughlin and Dr Alan O'Day see purchase as part of a coherent policy designed by Gladstone to tackle the problem of agrarian violence and to lay the foundations of a more secure social order in Ireland. For the first time, then, the content of the Bill has received serious and lengthy treatment. What remains to be discussed in some depth is its reception in the country in the spring and summer of 1886.


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