A Marginal Religion and COVID-19 in South Korea

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-63
Author(s):  
John G. Grisafi

In the spring of 2020, South Korea became the second most infected country in the COVID-19 pandemic. The rapid spread of the virus was attributed to a Christian religious group known as Shincheonji. The association of this already controversial religion with the spread of the virus quickly led to public condemnation of the group. The public response to the group’s association with the virus was, in part, built on an existing foundation of distrust and suspicion. In this paper, I examine the details of Shincheonji’s association with the coronavirus and the public reaction to it. I show the political work done by classificatory language pertaining to religion, specifically as it influences perceptions of the legitimacy of marginal religions and how the public should treat them. I also examine how public discourses on what religion should or should not do shape the definitions and boundaries of religion and associated categories.

Hydropolitics ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 63-90
Author(s):  
Christine Folch

This chapter focuses on the technicalities of the electricity tariff, how energy rent is conceptualized within Itaipú, and its effects on the Paraguayan government. It describes the making of a tariff, the base cost of electricity, and the political work done by a number before turning to “compensation,” the rent that Paraguay receives for energy sold in Brazil as well as the ensuing controversies that spurred the election of Fernando Lugo. This chapter also provides ethnographic exploration of favor-petitioning practices in the Paraguayan side of the dam and how administrators in the Lugo transition attempted to curtail such expectations. The calculations cast light onto the unappealing aspects of hydrofinance that enable the entire system even as the tariff formula and the social expectations into which it is embedded reveal broader postures toward state wealth, the public, and who has a claim to the financial resources of a nation. It explains the price of electricity and construction debt, as well as the social and numerical formulas for their calculation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 441-453 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nour Halabi

Throughout the Syrian crisis, the presence of material and symbolic boundaries to culture became a particularly salient element of the continuously unfolding political turmoil. As one terrorist group, Daesh, or the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, seeks to unite the vast area of the Middle East under the political, religious, and cultural administration of a “Greater State of Syria,” or “al-Sham,” this article revisits the historical spatial organization of Damascus and the construction of city boundaries and walls as factors that contributed to the cultivation of spatially grounded cleavages within Syrian and Damascene identity. In the latter section of this article, I reflect on the impact of these cleavages on the Syrian crisis by focusing on the public response to the siege of the Mouaddamiyya neighborhood.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-99
Author(s):  
Howard V. Hendrix

Using the ideas of culture theorist Walter Benjamin (among others), I examine the public response to two dams, Friant Dam and Florence Lake Dam, to illustrate the political and aesthetic reasons why Californians have very mixed feelings about the state's dams. The history of John Muir and Hetch Hetchy is also alluded to.


Author(s):  
Angle Lustre ◽  
Liza Chiu

The public's reaction to the implementation of health protocols during the Covid-19 pandemic is discussed in this report, as well as the idea of enforcing public health protocols, the relevance of implementing health protocols, and the public's reaction to implementing health protocols during the Covid-19 pandemic. This thesis is a quantitative one that relies on data gathered from surveys. The public reaction demonstrates that health guidelines are needed to strengthen attempts to avoid and monitor COVID-19 for people in public places and hospitals in order to avoid the emergence of new epicenters / clusters during the pandemic, as shown by the 78 percent who cooperate and the 22 percent who deliberately and inadvertently disregard. The community's position in breaking the COVID-19 transmission chain, or the possibility of contracting and distributing it, must be accomplished by the implementation of health protocols. The community's reaction to COVID 19 varies; some people really follow the government's protocol, which some people understand; but, for economic reasons, they still operate outside the home to survive.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-30
Author(s):  
Yesi Yesi

This study explains the efforts of the South Sumatra Provincial Election Commission in increasing the political participation of the people of South Sumatra in the 2018 Simultaneous Local Election and 2019 Concurrent Elections. Democracy is determined by the voice of the people, and is closely related to legitimacy "the fewer choose the lower legitimacy, the more they choose high legitimacy. "Legitimacy is very important because of the initial legitimacy of everything in the process of implementing power from the leader. The problem in this study is how the South Sumatra Provincial Election Commission's efforts in increasing community political participation in the 2018 simultaneous regional elections and 2019 simultaneous elections, and public response to the efforts made by the South Sumatra Provincial Election Commission. This study aims to describe the efforts of the KPU of South Sumatra Province and find out the public response to the efforts of the KPU of South Sumatra Province. Theoretically this research is useful to be a reference in the study of political science and is able to become a reference in future research related to the ongoing democracy in Indonesia and the practical benefits of being able to become input to the KPU of South Sumatra Province. The theory used by researchers is Max Weber's legitimacy theory where this theory explains how important participation is to legitimacy. By using descriptive type method and qualitative approach, the data obtained by using interviews, observation, and documentation. Researcher's location is at the KPU of South Sumatra Province. The results of the study show that the KPU of South Sumatra Province has made 350 efforts to increase the political participation of the people. The result prived that the political participation percentage in crease from 63% in 2013, 69,2% in 2018, and 81,42% in 2019. Efforts to increase people's political participation will continue to be increased.


2018 ◽  
Vol 221 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-236
Author(s):  
Assist. Prof. Dr. Saadoon Salman Nagim

The present study aims at identifying the political Education of Mohammad ( prayers be on him) and its educational applications , So as to be a living example to follow in the different levels of political work , as well as to create a generation of youth capable of  Facing the cultural invasion which may takes  away their rights in their country unconsciously. The limits of the present study has been the prophet sunnah during prophet  Mohammad's life from his birth till his death .      Several results have been reached at such as : Prophet Mohammad has been capable within twenty years to overcame on all the obstacles that have faced him , including the unbelievers who have fought , hurt , and dismissed him out of meccah in addition to the hypo crates who have conspired against him . The Prophet has been capable to make revolution that has never been like during history which has happened in a whole people be life that has transformed them from being unbelievers in to believers in one God. Several  conclusions have been put forward such as : The Prophet has established the secret group and the public group , which call to change the society systems and beliefs , and use all the available media means such as single communication, Rhetoric , the media war against Thought and all this is political work. The basis that the Prophets' political education has been based on is the belie fine One God ( Al- Tawheed ) and Islam with all the legislated beliefs , worships and treatments 


Daedalus ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 141 (4) ◽  
pp. 69-82
Author(s):  
Linda Greenhouse

The relationship between the Supreme Court and public opinion remains ambiguous, despite efforts over many years by scholars both of the Court and of mass behavior to decipher it. Certainly Supreme Court Justices live in the world, and are propelled by the political system to their life-tenured positions. And certainly the Court, over time, appears to align itself with the broadly defined public mood. But the mechanism by which this occurs–the process by which the Court and the public engage one another in a highly attenuated dialogue–remains obscure. The Court's 1973 abortion decision, Roe v. Wade, offers a case in point. As the country began to reconsider the wisdom of the nineteenth-century criminalization of abortion, which voices did the Justices hear and to which did they respond? Probing beneath the surface of the public response to Roe serves to highlight rather than solve the puzzle.


1981 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 150-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.A. Thompson

Assessments of the famous “Peace Ballot,” officially “A National Declaration on the League of Nations and Armaments,” have undergone little change since its results were announced in June 1935. Like contemporary observers, historians are unclear on the origins of the ballot, are impressed by the public response, and are uncertain of the meaning of “the most remarkable popular referendum ever initiated and carried through by private enterprise.” Historians will probably never reach a consensus on the exact meaning of the ballot and are likely to go on echoing the diverse judgments of contemporaries. But the origins of the referendum are not obscure, and in The Impact of Hitler: British Politics and British Policy 1933-1940 Maurice Cowling has offered a stimulating thesis that could embrace the ballot and suggest a new evaluation of the political controversy that surrounded the preparation and conduct of that much-heralded “National Declaration.”Cowling has persuasively argued that foreign policy was the form party conflict took in Great Britain in the late 1930s. Politicians conducted it in the light of party considerations. Cowling selected 1935 as the year foreign policy first became “central,” when Abyssinia became the focus of all political discussions. And it was the issue through which Stanley Baldwin reestablished Conservative “centrality” in domestic politics after strong “swings” against the government in by-elections during 1933 and 1934.According to the Cowling thesis, in the class-polarized politics of the 1930s, party leaders had to be especially sensitive to the opinion of the center, which, in 1935, meant presenting policy in terms that the League of Nations Union and its largely Liberal constituency would approve.


Author(s):  
Frédéric Mérand

Based on four years of embedded observation in the cabinet of a European Commissioner, this book develops a sociology of international political work. Empirically, it offers an insider’s chronicle of the European Union between 2015 and 2019. The analysis traces the successes and failures of Commissioner Pierre Moscovici and his team on five issues that defined European politics between 2015 and 2019: the Greek crisis, budgetary disputes with Spain and Portugal, the rise of populism in Italy, the reform of the eurozone, and the fight against tax evasion. The aim is not to ascertain whether the Commission’s policy was good or bad, but to understand how political work is done in a European Union where the “spectacle of power” is blurred by twenty-four official languages, twenty-eight national histories, a powerful technocracy, and sometimes opaque institutions. As a life-long socialist politician and former French finance minister, Pierre Moscovici was perhaps the most intensely political character in Jean-Claude Juncker’s self-styled “Political Commission.” Brandishing his leftist identity, rejecting technocratic talk, he surrounded himself with staffers sharing his ambition—but also critical of his actions. Shadowing them from the corridors of the Berlaymont, the seat of the European Commission, to Washington and Athens, The Political Commissioner throws light on the partisan struggles that shaped the Juncker Commission, tensions with the Eurogroup and the Parliament, and recurring conflicts with the Member States. It also shows how political staffers operate informally and in their interaction with the media and civil servants, as they craft and sell public policies to the public.


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