scholarly journals Konsep Negara dan Relevansi Terhadap NKRI Perspektif Emha Ainun Nadjib

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-295
Author(s):  
Muh. Ainun Najib

State and power are two things that cannot be separated from one another. Substantially, both have the main purpose of creating prosperity for the people. In fact, the Indonesia's democratic system seems to be imperfect. Therefore, it needs to have reorientation and revitalization of the concept in its implementation. The thought of Muhammad Ainun Najib (Cak Nun), in this context, is an alternative offer, such as; first, there is a distinction between state institutions and government institutions, between the head of state and the head of government, for the sake of creating political stability and the administration of the good governance; second, the criteria of a leader need to have scientific quality that is not only knowing issues of the personal and group interests, but also understanding in detail about the life of the regions; third, Indonesia should have five national pillars such as people, Indonesian National Army (TNI), intellectuals, customs and culture, as well as spiritual powers. Those five pillars are supposed to support the upright and the solid state of the Republic of Indonesia.

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (33) ◽  
Author(s):  
Subhan Sofhian

Indonesia is a country that is still developing with principles on the four pillars of nationality, namely Pancasilan, the 1945 Constitution, Bhineka Tungga Ika and the Republic of Indonesia. In executing the government by using a presidential system, the president's duty is not only as head of state, but also as head of government. Also in organizing government institutions the state becomes a barometer in measuring the success of government governance. State apparatus consisting of MPR, DPR, DPD, President, BPK, MA, KY and MK are state institutions whose duties and authorities are regulated in the 1945 Constitution. This article discusses the roles, duties and functions of state institutions, sanctions imposed on deviant state institutions. In this paper deliberately the compilers bring up various supporting theories and examine and discuss the tasks, roles and functions, so that we know that the institutions of this state participate and play a role in advancing the survival of the nation and state.Keywords: Function, State Institution, Role, Presidential.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarunabh Khaitan

AbstractMany concerned citizens, including judges, bureaucrats, politicians, activists, journalists, and academics, have been claiming that Indian democracy has been imperilled under the premiership of Narendra Modi, which began in 2014. To examine this claim, the Article sets up an analytic framework for accountability mechanisms liberal democratic constitutions put in place to provide a check on the political executive. The assumption is that only if this framework is dismantled in a systemic manner can we claim that democracy itself is in peril. This framework helps distinguish between actions that one may disagree with ideologically but are nonetheless permitted by an elected government, from actions that strike at the heart of liberal democratic constitutionalism. Liberal democratic constitutions typically adopt three ways of making accountability demands on the political executive: vertically, by demanding electoral accountability to the people; horizontally, by subjecting it to accountability demands of other state institutions like the judiciary and fourth branch institutions; and diagonally, by requiring discursive accountability by the media, the academy, and civil society. This framework assures democracy over time – i.e. it guarantees democratic governance not only to the people today, but to all future peoples of India. Each elected government has the mandate to implement its policies over a wide range of matters. However, seeking to entrench the ruling party’s stranglehold on power in ways that are inimical to the continued operation of democracy cannot be one of them. The Article finds that the first Modi government in power between 2014 and 2019 did indeed seek to undermine each of these three strands of executive accountability. Unlike the assault on democratic norms during India Gandhi’s Emergency in the 1970s, there is little evidence of a direct or full-frontal attack during this period. The Bharatiya Janata Party government’s mode of operation was subtle, indirect, and incremental, but also systemic. Hence, the Article characterizes the phenomenon as “killing a constitution by a thousand cuts.” The incremental assaults on democratic governance were typically justified by a combination of a managerial rhetoric of efficiency and good governance (made plausible by the undeniable imperfection of our institutions) and a divisive rhetoric of hyper-nationalism (which brands political opponents of the party as traitors of the state). Since its resounding victory in the 2019 general elections, the Modi government appears to have moved into consolidation mode. No longer constrained by the demands of coalition partners, early signs suggest that it may abandon the incrementalist approach for a more direct assault on democratic constitutionalism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-190
Author(s):  
Moh Hudi

The Government system greatly determines the position and responsibility of the president. Even in the same system of government, the president’s position and responsibility may change, depending  on   The  Rule  of   Law  in a particular country. The position and responsibility of the president in the presidential system in Indonesia has change several times. This can be seen before and after the amandement. President in presidential   System   as  Head  of  Government  and   Head  of   State. So that the president has broad authority. The president is not responsible to the parliament, because institutionally the parliament is not higher than the president as the chief executive, but is responsible to the people as voters.


ICL Journal ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Qerim Qerimi ◽  
Vigan Qorrolli

AbstractIn a period of less than a year, two decisions of the newly established Constitu­tional Court of the Republic of Kosovo resulted in the resignation of two Presidents of the new State. Ruling on the unconstitutionality of the act of simultaneously holding the position of the head of State and that of his political party, in one case; and ruling on the unconstitutionality of his election due to procedural irregularities in the other, the Court prompted fundamental changes to the political landscape of Kosovo that in the first case led to new and extraordinary elections, whereas in the second to a political arrangement that would ultimately lead to constitutional reforms. Following the Court’s decisions, both Presidents (Sejdiu and Pacolli) resigned from their posts.This article offers a textual analysis of the merits and controversies surrounding both decisions, which will be situated in the broader context of the seemingly powerful role of Constitutional Courts in certain societies in transition. The overall analysis demonstrates the weaknesses inherent to the initial stages of State formation, and to the foundational con­stitutional instrument, indicating the importance of the Constitution’s clarity for political stability. In an environment characterized by a dominant perception of a politicized judiciary, the Court’s decisions testify to the judicial activism of the Constitutional Court and, in terms of the substance and consequences of its key decisions, also to judicial supremacy. The Court’s decisions have also had some significance for testing the country’s political culture, a test that has been met in both cases eventually with compliance by those most affected.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 280
Author(s):  
Muzayanah Muzayanah

The Republic of Indonesia is a state based on the rule of law in implementing state administration based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. The administration of government with a democratic system in which the highest sovereignty is in the hands of the people and in its implementation the people elect a leader to run the government. To determine the regional leader / regional head must be carried out through regional head elections. Regional head elections are intended to continue the government which has ended its term of office. Therefore, regional head elections must be held simultaneously throughout the territory of the Republic of Indonesia. The holding of regional head elections is a big job and is the responsibility of all parties, including all citizens of the Republic of Indonesia, so that the implementation of regional head elections runs well. The regional head elections in question have been held and are the result of the hard work of various relevant state institutions that have carried out their duties and responsibilities, in this case the General Election Commission (KPU) which has held regional head elections simultaneously throughout the territory of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI). ). The 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia regulates the voting rights of citizens to participate and actively participate in determining regional leaders / regional heads who will lead in their respective territories. Citizens have the right to vote to vote at regional head elections. This is of course an awareness and responsibility as citizens so that regional leaders / regional heads are elected who are able to organize government and create prosperity and justice based on the values contained in the principles of Pancasila. The problem in this research is how a juridical study of the awareness of citizens to use their voting rights in implementing democracy in regional head elections?This research is a normative juridical research with the Library Research research method. The data collection method uses secondary data in the form of primary legal materials and secondary and tertiary legal materials. The population in this study is a random population of residents / community of Pengkol hamlet, Mangunsari village, Gunung pati District, Semarang City. The results of the research show that people in this region as citizens of the Republic of Indonesia have the awareness and responsibility to exercise their voting rights in the implementation of regional head elections, especially the election for Mayor and Deputy Mayor of Semarang on December 9, 2020. Regional head elections in this region have been going well and in a conducive situation even though it was held during the Covid-19 pandemic. It is hoped that the holding of this regional head election will produce regional leaders who have reliable and quality leadership management and are able to bring the community to realize social justice for all Indonesian people.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Sultoni Fikri ◽  
Syofyan Hadi

The Ombudsman as a state institution has the duty to oversee the administration of the state, particularly in public services in order to realize good governance. Therefore the institution is demanded to be independent and impartial to other state institutions. In addition, the presence of the Ombudsman becomes a manifestation of legal protection for the community in the event of maladmnistration conducted by the apparatus/state officials in using their authority. The birth of the Ombudsman is inseparable from history in Scandinavian countries, including in Denmark. The Danish Ombudsman, known as the Folketingets Ombudsmand, has become one of the most important institutions in the state system there. While in Indonesia, its position has received less attention. This difference makes the writer interested to compare it. The approach used in this paper uses a micro-type body of norm approach, which is a legal comparison that uses the Act as the basis for comparison, which is used is Act Number 37 of 2008 concerning the Ombudsman of the Republic of Indonesia compared to the Danish Ombudsman Act. Whereas the legal comparison method uses analytical method. The result of this research is to reconstruct the law in Law Number 37 Year 2008 concerning the Ombudsman of the Republic of Indonesia by adopting from what is in the Danish Ombudsman Act. the hope is that the existence of ORI is so respected and recommendations from ORI are not merely morally binding but are legally binding.Ombudsman sebagai lembaga negara yang memiliki tugas untuk mengawasi dari penyelenggaraan negara, khususnya pada pelayanan publik agar terwujudnya good governence. Oleh karena itu lembaga tersebut dituntut untuk bersifat independen dan tidak memihak kepada lembaga negara lainnya. Selain itu hadirnya Ombudsman menjadi suatu perwujudan perlindungan hukum bagi masyarakat apabila terjadi maladmnistrasi yang dilakukan oleh aparatur/pejabat negara dalam menggunakan kewenangannya. Lahirnya Ombudsman tidak lepas dari sejarah di negara Skandinavia, termasuk di Denmark. Kedudukan Ombudsman Denmark atau dikenal sebagai Folketingets Ombudsmand, lembaga tersebut menjadi salah satu lembaga penting dalam sistem ketatanegaraan disana. Sedangkan di Indonesia keududukannya kurang mendapat perhatian. Perbedaan inilah yang membuat penulis tertarik untuk membandingkannya. Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penulisan ini menggunakan pendekatan mikro jenis bodies of norm, yaitu perbandingan hukum yang menggunakan Undang-Undang sebagai dasar untuk melakukan perbandingan, yang dipakai adalah Undang-Undang Nomor 37 Tahun 2008 tentang Ombudsman Republik Indonesia dibandingkan dengan The Ombudsman Act Denmark. Sedangkan untuk metode perbandingan hukum menggunakan analytical method. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah untuk dilakukan rekonstruksi hukum pada Undang-Undang Nomor 37 Tahun 2008 tentang Ombudsman Republik Indonesia dengan mengadopsi dari apa yang ada di The Ombudsman Act Denmark. harapannya adalah eksistensi ORI begitu disegani dan rekomendasi dari ORI tidak sekadar mengikat secara moral melainkan mengikat secara hukum.


Obiter ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
George Barrie

This note attempts to analyse the essence of presidential powers in South Africa. These powers are in essence found in sections 83−85 of the Constitution, which relate to “The President”, “Powers and functions of President” and “Executive authority of the Republic” respectively. After being in operation for close to two-and-a-half decades, questions still remain as to the precise meaning of the Constitution’s reference to the President as “head of state”, “head of the national executive” and being vested with “executive authority”. The existence of such questions, it is submitted, should be of some concern. Since the role of the President is critical in ensuring effective executive government, is it not imperative that, by this time, there should be a consensus as to the meaning of the terms “head of state”, “head of the national executive” and “executive authority”? The role of the President can be extremely politically demanding. Executive aggrandisement must be averted. Because our system of executive government is relatively unexplored given that the Constitution only dates from 1996, it needs to be developed in a truly democratic context with a keen sense of constitutionalism. This implies that the executive must be “unable to employ the strong arm tactics that an autocratic executive is by its very nature able to do”.The dilemma facing the South African President as head of state and head of the national executive and being vested with executive authority (sections 83, 84 and 85 of the Constitution) is similar to that faced by Abraham Lincoln on 4 July 1861 in his historic address to the United States Congress after the outbreak of the Civil War. Lincoln posed this question: “Must a government, of necessity, be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to maintain its own existence?”.In discussing the terms “head of state” and “head of the national executive”, the terms as they feature in the Constitution are referred to; the terms as interpreted and applied in practice are analysed and lastly the myriad questions raised by the terms are highlighted. It will emerge that when it comes to analysing these terms, there appear to be more questions than answers. It is submitted that these unanswered questions are not consonant with good governance and can only result in constant litigation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 21-33
Author(s):  
SLOBODAN ZEČEVIĆ

Can the political and doctrinal legacy of Charles De Gaulle be linked to Serbia? The answer is affirmative even far more than we think. Austrian and French experiences were used during the drafting of the Serbian constitution from 2006. Our constitutional text also established a kind of mixed system, in which the Prime Minister was the holder of executive power, while the President of the Republic was in charge of expressing the unity of the Republic of Serbia. It was a bad copy of the constitution of the French V Republic. The President of the Republic of Serbia was elected by the people in direct elections, but he was denied the competencies that this election requires. Even more serious consequences were left by the introduction of a proportional electoral system that produced weak and corrupt coalition governments whose composition was determined by reach poeple and foreign intelligence services. In order to avoid distortions of the electoral proportionality, ie to obtain a stable government, the introduction of autocratic measures of media supervision and control and state institutions followed.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Jantje Tjiptabudy

District head's elections as implementation realization of sovereignty of the people undertaken in democratic system, for sure, shall subject to principles and concept of district head's elections. KPUD and Regional Bawaslu as the district head's elections organizers are obliged to execute professional and quality district head's elections based on the 4 (four) conceptual elements of district head's elections as follows: (1) as a means of sovereignty of the people, (2) it is conducted in a direct, general, free and secret as well as honest and fair manner, (3) it is conducted in Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, and (4) it is based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia.   Implementation of district head's elections, in reality, is full of various violations, especially for the number of votes obtained by foul manner such as vote distension. This condition is obviously seen by the people showing that KPUD and Regional Bawaslu are not capable in performing their duties as the agency of district head's elections. Definitely, it affects quality of district head's elections or legitimation of the elected district head. In fact, lots of factors affect professionalism of KPUD and Regional Bawaslu such as capability of human resources, low alimony rate compared to their responsibility load, and also integrity of KPUD and Regional Bawaslu. Other factor which has escaped attention is morality of the members of KPUD and Regional Bawaslu.


1991 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-157
Author(s):  
José Murilo de Carvalho

The celebration of the centennial of the Brazilian Republic (1889-1989) was marked by a few events of academic or civic nature and no enthusiasm whatsoever. It has been observed that the bicentennial of the French Revolution aroused more interest in the people of Brazil. The reasons for this are not difficult to understand. Two seem to have particular relevance. First, is the recent memory of a military regime (1964-1985) in the minds of the people. The proclamation of the Republic on 15 November 1889 is generally held to be the making of the Brazilian military; it would be somewhat embarrassing to celebrate the actions of yesterday's enemies.The second reason relates to the disappointment felt among the populace with the New Republic—the name given to the civilian government inaugurated in 1985. The New Republic rode in on the crest of huge mass demonstrations, the most impressive ever to take place in the country. These people called for the end of military rule and the direct election of a civilian president. In 1985 a civilian president took over, although not chosen by direct election, and a constituent assembly drafted a new constitution. Freedom of the press was restored and the people lived in great hope that a new era had finally dawned for the nation. Four years later, in 1989, a new constitution was in effect, and the fundamental precepts of a democratic system—the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary branches of government; a free press; multiple political parties; and a politicized populace—were all in place.


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