scholarly journals Freedom and Independence During the Pandemic

2021 ◽  
pp. 39-47
Author(s):  
Svetlana Dimitrova ◽  
Kristina Ovdina

The scale and the speed of the spread of the new coronavirus strain and economic crises associated with it are becoming the reason to rethink the essential features and ways of interaction between freedom and independence. The aim of the research is to consider new and evaluate the significance of traditional approaches to defining independence and freedom. The authors analyze the mechanisms of the formation and development of biopower, the effectiveness of which is manifested in the possibility of turning people into "obedient bodies" (M. Foucault) and reducing human existence to the state of "bare life" (J. Agamben).The researchers emphasize that the highest form biopower manifestation, arose due to the effective development of medicine, became the possibility of transforming life and death into political concepts that require a "special solution". Therefore, the restrictive measures that arose during the spread of COVID-19 cannot be considered as a manifestation of total forms of addiction are established by biopolitics. The research allows the authors to come to the conclusion that the impossibility of achieving freedom and the loss of independence arise in the process of consistent implementation of the individualistic ideals. The results of the study contain a few contradictions identified by the authors. First of all, the development of biopower points that the concern for people's health enables the State to penetrate and manage all spheres of an individual's existence including issues of life and death. Biopolitics does not contribute to the establishment and development of civil rights, but creates effective means for reducing people to a state of "bare life". In the spread of COVID-19 the contradiction of following the individualistic ideals became obvious. Risks and threats that have a global character are confronted by a person unwilling to take responsibility. The revealed contradictions lead to the conclusion that a condition to maintain independence and achieve freedom in the modern world can be the formation of the new types of solidarities that make it possible to overcome the autonomy of existence and develop a responsible attitude to what is happening in the world.

Author(s):  
Marina Haustova

Problem setting. The current stage of world development is characterized by the deepening of the processes of integration of political, economic, cultural life of the world. The term “globalization” has come into wide use as a characteristic of the formation of a single planetary society. Target of research is to highlight the main provisions of the dynamic system of knowledge about the information society, the legal policy of the country as a tool for legal development of modern society. Analysis of resent researches and publications. The issue of correlation between legal policy and legal culture has been analysed by V.D. Zorkin, A.V. Malko, V.A. Zatonsky, I.V. Yakovyuk and others. Articles main body. The article states that the implementation of effective legal policy at the present stage of development of Ukrainian society is one of the defining conditions for its further democratic reform, strengthening the rule of law, information society, digital competitive market economy, ensuring human and civil rights and freedoms. It is emphasized that the social dimension of globalization is studied in terms of the possibility of building a global civil society with common values and ideological attitudes, a high level of social mobility, the emergence of global culture and the globalization of public consciousness. The concept of digital society and its principles are analyzed. It is determined that legal policy is a reflection of the fact that the law itself should act as a way of building, arranging the modern world. The connection between legal policy and legal culture is emphasized Conclusions.and prospects for the development. It is concluded that legal policy, which is based on the legal culture of society and the individual, is an effective means of organization, a way of organizing the legal life of society. It is the state that must take on the roles of leader and experimenter, regulator and defender and promoter of digital transformations in Ukraine.


2019 ◽  
Vol 72 ◽  
pp. 02011
Author(s):  
Roman Bogatyrev ◽  
Nadezhda Kapustina ◽  
Maya Nachkebiya ◽  
Tatiana Perutskaya

This article discusses the important aspects of the dialogue between the individual and the state in modern times. The importance of interaction between the government and the society in the modern world is one of the most urgent tasks for young researchers and for the society as a whole. Emphasizing the importance of strengthening and developing a democratic state governed by the rule of law, researchers identify a wide range of factors that have a direct impact on the positive and effective development of interaction between the government and the society. One such factor is the model of individual-state dialogue. The study of such a dialogue from an anthropological point of view will make it possible to highlight the most successful models of interaction between the society authorities to create effective management mechanisms that affect both the quality of citizens’ life and the development of the state as a whole in a positive way. For a more detailed study of the models of building a dialogue between the individual and the state, it is necessary to consider the existing examples of interaction and analyze the historical aspects of the relationship between the society and the state. The modern practice of state and municipal governing strives to make the government more transparent and open to citizens, such a policy contributes to the maximum involvement of citizens in the public and political life of the state. The article also deals with the issues of involving citizens in the social and political life of the society; it discusses the motivational measures and the policy of the state in the field of engaging citizens in interaction and establishment of a meaningful, effective dialogue between the society and the state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (26) ◽  
pp. 473-478
Author(s):  
Hanna Ivanova ◽  
Vasyl Felyk ◽  
Iryna Shopina ◽  
Konstantin Bieliakov

The purpose authors of this article aim to analyze the scientific literature on understanding the concept of “administrative and legal provision of civil rights”, its structural components and on this basis to offer our own view in regard to this administrative and legal category. To achieve this goal, such methods of scientific knowledge were used as: formal-logical; comparative analysis; logical and legal. Different scientific approaches and concepts to defining the notion of citizens’ rights have been analyzed in the article. On this basis the understanding of the category of “administrative and legal provision of citizens’ rights” has been improved. It includes two interrelated components – “administrative and legal” and “provision”. It has been determined that the term provision in the general sense means the creation of conditions, security, protection of something from danger. The rights of citizens as a subject matter of administrative provision have been analyzed. The features of human and civil rights have been outlined. It has been stated that human and civil rights, freedoms and legitimate interests in the modern world must be both declared in regulatory acts, and must be really guaranteed and secured by the state. It has been emphasized that officials of the state authorities, including law enforcement system, play a crucial role in the development of interaction between society, government and citizens. The main directions of ensuring the rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of citizens by the norms of administrative legislation, as well as the mechanism of their implementation have been determined. The authors have offered own definition of the concept of “administrative and legal provision of citizens’ rights”.


Author(s):  
Igor Savenko ◽  
◽  
Kateryna Manuilova ◽  
Kateryna Kolesnikova ◽  
◽  
...  

Solving the problem of overcoming corruption is the main task of all countries of the world and Ukraine. After all, corruption is the most dangerous phenomenon in the sociopolitical life of any state. Total corruption destroys the foundations of statehood: national security; constitutional and other normative-legal bases of regulation of public life of the state. In a broad sense, the concept of "corruption" involves a complex process (phenomenon) that manifests itself in various forms of public, political and private relations. Corruption has a destructive effect on the state's economy, the functioning of public authorities and the development of the state as a whole. Today it is safe to say that no country in the world has completely overcome corruption. Finding effective means to combat corruption is a key issue for all countries of the world and for our country in particular. The issue of overcoming corruption in public procurement is becoming especially relevant in the modern world. Work to combat corruption in Ukraine should be comprehensive and requires harmonization of Ukrainian public procurement legislation, as well as further development of a program of structural reforms in the justice sector, education, e-government, economic and political spheres, but also the political will of the current Ukrainian government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 413-428
Author(s):  
Monika Rogowska-Stangret

In this article, I wish to engage in reflecting on the limits of affirmative and vitalist potentials visible in new materialist research. An enthusiastic note is clearly heard from within the new materialist perspective, for example in the important work of Rosi Braidotti. I offer an interpretation of her ‘The Ethics of Becoming Imperceptible’ in hopes of reflecting on the limits of the affirmative approach. This interpretation is fuelled by more hesitant notes also heard within new materialist research, tones expressing doubts, tracing the limits of materialist, vitalist, affirmative takes and offering perspectives that turn to ‘a matter that fails to come to life’, ‘unproductive and devoid of relations’. This turn – according to my reading – is an effort to respond to the need to recognise ‘ our today’ in its complexity. To fully grasp the landscapes of ‘ our today’, I offer a concept of bare death (in dialogue with bare life as coined by Giorgio Agamben and as used by Braidotti) as a concept that relates to instances where something has died but cannot enter into the ‘generative powers of a Life’. It is depicted with references to the nuclear and plastic landscapes of the Anthropocene. Relating to those landscapes, I make use of an art installation by Pinar Yoldas, The Ecosystem of Excess, as a kind of companion for thinking about becoming and the transformation of life and death in order to respond to the ambivalent landscapes of ‘ our today’ and to understand how death matters beyond the human self.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 135-140
Author(s):  
D. S. Odinaev

Terrorism is not a new phenomenon in human history, and since ancient times, various political and social forces have tried to seize power in this way, resorting to violence and intimidation. Various forces saw terrorism as a means of fighting their opponents. In the middle Ages, terrorism acquired a special status in European countries as a special form of political struggle to protect the interests of the state, church and religious authorities.The very act of officially killing criminals in any form was committed with the aim of intimidating people and various sectors of society. The violence of the marginalized, expressed by the term “terror,” has become more common in modern French political history. The advocates of the reform saw the protection of the interests and freedoms of the individual with the help of terrorism as an effective means of political struggle. However, later this term was considered a negative act, and terrorism was presented as a crime against the state. That is, since the end of the 18th century, the term “terror” has been used in a negative sense.Especially at the current stage of the development of human society, terrorism has acquired more frightening features. Terrorists kill innocent people to intimidate the public and authorities. Terrorism has become one of the main instruments of the struggle for power, the protection of group, ethnic, racial and other interests.


2019 ◽  
pp. 189-202
Author(s):  
Marina ◽  
David Ottaway

The Arab uprisings in2011 did not satisfy the demands voiced by protesters, but they left the countries where they occurred changedon a fundamental level –although not always for the better. Tunisia and Morocco have become more open, while Egypt has reverted to stifling military authoritarianism. Iraq and Syria have seen the further undermining of their chronically troubled states with dim prospects for improvement. The rich oil monarchies have embarked on a risky course betting that they can join the modern world economically without undermining their ruling families politically even as they cling to tribal traditions of abygone era. Whatever the outcome, they are now headlong into a radically new and different era, onein which the myth of one Arab world with a common destiny and interests has been shattered forever.Key issues that emerged as a result of the 2011 uprisings will loom large over that splintered world for years to come: the hostility between secularists and Islamists in Egypt, the fragility of the state in Iraq and Syria, and the tension between rapid economic and social change and political stagnation—“the King’s dilemma”—in the Gulf monarchies. The importance of strategic leadershipwill be crucial everywhere, but so will decisions taken by foreign powers, whichtoday have greater involvement in shaping the region than they had a century ago.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-137
Author(s):  
Roxanne Christensen ◽  
LaSonia Barlow ◽  
Demetrius E. Ford

Three personal reflections provided by doctoral students of the Michigan School of Professional Psychology (Farmington Hills, Michigan) address identification of individual perspectives on the tragic events surrounding Trayvon Martin’s death. The historical ramifications of a culture-in-context and the way civil rights, racism, and community traumatization play a role in the social construction of criminals are explored. A justice orientation is applied to both the community and the individual via internal reflection about the unique individual and collective roles social justice plays in the outcome of these events. Finally, the personal and professional responses of a practitioner who is also a mother of minority young men brings to light the need to educate against stereotypes, assist a community to heal, and simultaneously manage the direct effects of such events on youth in society. In all three essays, common themes of community and growth are addressed from varying viewpoints. As worlds collided, a historical division has given rise to a present unity geared toward breaking the cycle of violence and trauma. The authors plead that if there is no other service in the name of this tragedy, let it at least contribute to the actualization of a society toward growth and healing.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 352-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Baugh

In Bergsonism, Deleuze refers to Bergson's concept of an ‘open society’, which would be a ‘society of creators’ who gain access to the ‘open creative totality’ through acting and creating. Deleuze and Guattari's political philosophy is oriented toward the goal of such an open society. This would be a democracy, but not in the sense of the rule of the actually existing people, but the rule of ‘the people to come,’ for in the actually existing situation, such a people is ‘lacking’. When the people becomes a society of creators, the result is a society open to the future, creativity and the new. Their openness and creative freedom is the polar opposite of the conformism and ‘herd mentality’ condemned by Deleuze and Nietzsche, a mentality which is the basis of all narrow nationalisms (of ethnicity, race, religion and creed). It is the freedom of creating and commanding, not the Kantian freedom to obey Reason and the State. This paper uses Bergson's The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, and Deleuze and Guattari's Kafka: For a Minor Literature, A Thousand Plateaus and What is Philosophy? to sketch Deleuze and Guattari's conception of the open society and of a democracy that remains ‘to come’.


2016 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-16
Author(s):  
Brian Kovalesky

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, during the height of protests and actions by civil rights activists around de facto school segregation in the Los Angeles area, the residents of a group of small cities just southeast of the City of Los Angeles fought to break away from the Los Angeles City Schools and create a new, independent school district—one that would help preserve racially segregated schools in the area. The “Four Cities” coalition was comprised of residents of the majority white, working-class cities of Vernon, Maywood, Huntington Park, and Bell—all of which had joined the Los Angeles City Schools in the 1920s and 1930s rather than continue to operate local districts. The coalition later expanded to include residents of the cities of South Gate, Cudahy, and some unincorporated areas of Los Angeles County, although Vernon was eventually excluded. The Four Cities coalition petitioned for the new district in response to a planned merger of the Los Angeles City Schools—until this time comprised of separate elementary and high school districts—into the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD). The coalition's strategy was to utilize a provision of the district unification process that allowed citizens to petition for reconfiguration or redrawing of boundaries. Unification was encouraged by the California State Board of Education and legislature in order to combine the administrative functions of separate primary and secondary school districts—the dominant model up to this time—to better serve the state's rapidly growing population of children and their educational needs, and was being deliberated in communities across the state and throughout Los Angeles County. The debates at the time over school district unification in the Greater Los Angeles area, like the one over the Four Cities proposal, were inextricably tied to larger issues, such as taxation, control of community institutions, the size and role of state and county government, and racial segregation. At the same time that civil rights activists in the area and the state government alike were articulating a vision of public schools that was more inclusive and demanded larger-scale, consolidated administration, the unification process reveals an often-overlooked grassroots activism among residents of the majority white, working-class cities surrounding Los Angeles that put forward a vision of exclusionary, smaller-scale school districts based on notions of local control and what they termed “community identity.”


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