Sociological analysis of the level of citizens’ trust: global and regional aspects

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 19-28
Author(s):  
Alexandra O. Lazukina

The article analyzes the results of international and Russian studies of the level of trust of citizens. For example, studies of territorial areas, and the conclusion about the negative impact of low trust of citizens to power on the development of new territories. The low level of trust of residents in the government is considered as one of the key negative prerequisites that distorts the principles of creating urban communities. As a result, a chain of interaction between citizens is formed, which leads to the spontaneous formation of protest behavior. Based on the analysis of factors of influence that distort the motives for uniting urban residents into territorial communities, the author concludes that the importance of building trust in the authorities among residents is underestimated, which is classified as a serious omission in the management of the political space of the annexed territories.

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 ◽  
pp. 00009
Author(s):  
Dani Sintara ◽  
Faisal Akbar Nasution

In administering governance, Regional Heads are given an authority to manage the local finances independently. This authority is regulated in Law Number 9 of 2015 and Government Regulation Number 3 of 2007. Accountability of Regional Heads is a form of a democratic government. In a democratic government, the government has limited power and is not justified to act arbitrarily against its citizens. In reality, the implementation of the accountability is often the result of a political compromise. Political compromises occur due to the behavior of the political elite and the weakness of the existing legislation. This weakness relates to the mechanism of the accountability against the management of regional finances which opens an opportunity between the Regional Heads and the Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) to conduct a negative relationship. The political compromises in the accountability of the Regional Heads have had a negative impact on the local governance. Whereas, the purpose of implementing a regional autonomy is to improve the quality of justice, democracy and prosperity. Therefore, before the DPRD rejects the accountability of the Regional Heads, it must first be tested in the Supreme Court.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 131-150
Author(s):  
Yulia V. Ermolaeva

Issues concerning waste management in Russia became especially relevant during the 1990’s with the ensuing restructuring of the industrial sector, when certain components of cyclic production and recycling of materials – which were available during Soviet times – simply ceased to exist. For many years there were no appropriate government programs that could combine an economically feasible approach with environmentally oriented technologies. This article presents the results of a study based on expert interviews on the subject of modernizing Russia’s waste management industry throughout the years 2014-2017. The lineup of experts consisted of specialists in various fields: nonprofit organization employees, environmental activists, researchers in the field of humanitarian and natural sciences, businessmen, government officials, professional environmentalists and engineers. The interview carefully examines environmental modernization issues in various fields: legislation, economics, environmentally oriented technologies, where particular emphasis is laid upon resolving social issues and institutional problems with developing this sector. Experts have noticed a positive dynamic in the modernization of the waste management industry during recent years (2010-2017). However, certain omissions are apparent in every area, which must be promptly rectified in order to comply with modern requirements when it comes to stable development and environmental protection. In the field of legal support there is no clear functional allocation of responsibilities among those parties participating in legal interaction. The field of institutional management lacks a chain of stakeholders fit for a waste-free economy. Social policy and labor market structure in the waste management industry are also not fully developed. The project “Clean country”, as well as the functionality of territorial models in the field of waste management in Russia, bears special relevance. Non-profit organizations have offered to assume the role of the main resource, together with the business sector, which is in need of legal and economic support on behalf of the government in the form of well thought-out legislative framework, which would consider the interests of all parties participating in decision-making. As for actions which need to be taken immediately, it is essential to reduce the negative impact of waste on the environment.


Significance The country has been without a permanent government for close to a year after elections in April and September failed to produce a coalition; another snap poll is now scheduled for March 2, 2020. The government has continued to function on a day-to-day basis, but critical policy decisions have been put off. Impacts The political deadlock will have a negative impact on the economy as the country enters 2020 without a budget for the year. Netanyahu’s challenger in the Likud primary, Gideon Sa’ar, will likely lose but still position himself as heir apparent for party leader. Israel may have trouble managing security threats from Gaza and Iran due to the election and continued rule by a caretaker government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-142
Author(s):  
M. Angela Merici Siba

Illegal logging is unauthorized logging and timber theft performed by the perpetrators wanting to manage forests for their individual needs. It has a negative impact on the habitat of forests and communities in West Kalimantan. The felled trees are used for the needs of the perpetrators and exported to timber buyer countries. High timber demands have triggered the actors to perform such a crime. It occurs because some actors carry out document forgery in managing forests. This research utilized the political system theory from David Easton and discovered that the local government of West Kalimantan has made illegal logging rules. However, illegal logging remains to exist because the governance from the local government has not been maximized in issuing not binding policies and lack socialization from the government to the community regarding illegal logging.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-61
Author(s):  
Lina Ulfa Fitriani ◽  
L Wiresapta Karyadi ◽  
Dwi Setiawan Chaniago

This research aims to determine the political phenomenon of money that occurs in the community, it is difficult to stop and become the habit or tradition of certain political candidates or contestants to the community ahead of Of the elections to get the most support and vote from the community. The purpose of research is to know the factors of the cause of money politics, how the process of occurrence in the community and the impact of the political practice of money for the community. The research uses a paradigm analysis of social  behaviour with Exchange theory to explore the political phenomena of money that often occur in the community, and is supported by several theories and concepts supporting the theory of power, political participation and Political money. The research methods used in this study are qualitative. Research location in Sandik village, Batu Layar District, West Lombok. The informant in the study consisted of the community, the successful team of certain political candidates or contestants to other important figures within the village. Datacollection techniques are conducted by conducting field observations, in-depth interviews and documentation on interviews and photo activities. The results show that (1) the factorsthat cause political money in the community are the influence of the economic limitations of society, low quality of public education, and weak supervision conducted. (2) The process of political money is carried out directly by a certain political candidate or contestant and carried out indirectly through the intermediaries of others in providing and distributing thepolitics of the money. (3) The impact of the political practice of money can be detrimental to the democratic order and can cause other new problems in society to the Government, thus carrying a negative impact that is long term. 


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-143
Author(s):  
Fera Belinda ◽  
Maria Puspitasari

oaks or fake news is a serious concern because it has a negative impact due to information that is not ascertained the truth. Especially during the political year of the 2019 presidential election, the spread of hoaxes is increasingly massively attacking each candidate personally and institutionally. The Ministry of Communication and Information recorded in 2018 there were 733 hoaks content. In 2019, hoax content increased sharply to 3,801. The drastic increase in the amount of hoax content occurred from February to May, along with the 2019 elections. Not stopping in the 2019 presidential election, until the first half of 2020, the number of hoaks content has reached 1855. The number of hoaks content increased again in March, along with the emergence of the Covid-19 pandemic in Indonesia and continued with the enactment of the Omnibus Law Ciptakerja. The development of social media technology and smartphones is one of the causes of the current hoaks outbreak. The theories used in this study are the concept of hoaxes, social media and the firehose of falsehood, as well as the theory of delegitimization. The focus of the research on youtube social media channel contains a statement from the Indonesian Rescue Action Coalition Movement (KAMI) in the period September – October 2020. Although it is a new group, us members are old figures who have been known to be opposed to the Jokowi government.  The research methodology used is qualitative approach with data collection method through observation of video text posted. While the method of data analysis is done by analyzing the content or content to give an idea of the rush of fake news that has the potential to harm threats that can disrupt security stability, can even potentially damage the joints of national and state life, as well as become a threat to the sustainability of democracy. The results of this study concluded that hoaxes are usually chained and re-forward existing information and that the content has similarities to previous hoax content. This study recommends the government to actively educate the public regarding media literacy to be selective in receiving messages.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (01) ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Imaro Sidqi ◽  
Doli Witro

This article discusses the existence of MUI fatwa and its position in Indonesia. So far, people are more likely to use the fatwa law than national law. Many political interests, so that the independence of the fatwa in Indonesia, the MUI fatwa, is doubtful of its integrity. In the context of Islamic law, a fatwa is an essential presence in society, while in national law, a fatwa is only a doctrine whose status is not required to be followed. The deficient legal awareness of the community is a problem in the community because the political influence of the fatwa has a negative impact, so it is feared that it will create a negative thing that lives and develops into a civilization in society. From this writing, it can be concluded that the position of the fatwa is not required to be followed so that public awareness about the law must be socialized by the government so that people can understand. However, if the fatwa is following the constitution, the fatwa can be applied in the law so that the fatwa is not easy to be politicized by any party concerned.


2021 ◽  
Vol 105 (5) ◽  
pp. 79-89
Author(s):  
Alexey Chikhachev ◽  

The article explores the political situation in modern France the year before the next presidential election. It is revealed that during Emmanuel Macron’s presidency, a social divide between wealthy and poor social groups has taken root in the country manifested in the “yellow vests” movement and a wide-range public disagreement with the reforms proposed by the government. The negative impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, which overlapped with the previous contradictions and aggravated them, is discussed. The article also shows that, apart from the “National Rally”, no other political forces now represent a real opposition to Macron’s policy, thus helping him to keep relatively high chances for re-election. This is especially true in case of two traditional parties – the Republicans and the Socialists – which have suffered from a profound internal crisis. In conclusion, regarding a likely contest between Macron and Le Pen in 2022, prospects of changes in domestic and foreign policy of France after the election are formulated. The author concludes that even in the “Le Pen wins” scenario, any innovations will have a limited impact, taking into account the role of continuity in the French state policy and the growing moderation of the far right platform.


Discourse ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 86-97
Author(s):  
R. R. Agishev ◽  
O. N. Barinova ◽  
I. V. Manaeva

Introduction. A sociological analysis of the personality of the bribe-giver is given based on the study of data on the Republic of Mordovia. The relevance of the issue is determined by the following factors: the strengthening of the negative impact of corruption on all aspects of society and the state; the social mimicry of corruption, the stability of ideas in society about the ambivalence of corruption. The purpose of the article is to highlight the regional specifics of the identity of the bribe-giver.Methodology and sources. The neoclassical paradigm of the study of corruption links corruption phenomena with the decomposition of the state apparatus and the erosion of the moral foundations of society. In this vein, the authors explore the dual nature of corruption, that is, its conditionality by both the government and society. In the context of Durkheim's anomie theory, the motivational complex of bribe-takers is analyzed.Results and discussion. The objectives of the study required a mass survey (n = 400, ∆ ±5%), which represented the composition of the population of the region by gender, age, type of activity and type of locality. Within the framework of the study, a qualitative and quantitative description of the corrupt behavior of the bribe-giver was carried out, his motivational complex was revealed, and his subjective assessment of the dynamics of corruption and the effectiveness of anti-corruption policy was revealed. The following regional features of the personality of the bribe-giver are revealed: the age of the highest economic and social lability, the average level of corruption activity, the low size of the average amount of a bribe, acting as the initiator of a corrupt bribe, the perception of a bribe as a rational means of solving problems, pronounced negativism in assessing the authorities.Conclusion. Participation in corrupt transactions imposes a more or less pronounced imprint on the personality of the bribe-giver, which consists in the deformation of the practices of relations with representatives of state bodies, the gradual loss of immunity to criminal or semi-criminal activities, the partial degradation of socially significant moral values, the transformation of corrupt practices from a social anomie to a social norm.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


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