scholarly journals The use of soft power in digital public diplomacy

2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-140
Author(s):  
Lidija Kos-Stanišić ◽  
Viktorija Car

The focus of this comparative study is on the use of soft power in the digital‎ public diplomacy of two Global South players, Brazil and India, in EU member‎ states. The main objective of this research is to find out how their embassies‎ use digital diplomacy in communication through their official websites‎ and to identify which soft power resources they dominantly use. Quantitative‎ content analysis and thematic analysis were used to analyze the categories and‎ subcategories on the main menu and special banners on each embassy’s home‎ page, and the associated content. Unlike the Indian embassies, which fully‎ embraced digital diplomacy 2.0, the Brazilian embassies do not utilize the full‎ potential of digital diplomacy and primarily remain reliant on websites only.‎ According to this research, the Brazilian embassies in the EU use film as a‎ dominant soft power resource in their digital diplomacy, while the Indian embassies‎ use yoga as a powerful diplomatic tool. Still, both approaches are not‎ enough to attract European publics. There remains a lot of space for improvement‎ and better usage of soft power resources and digital public diplomacy‎ potentials in communicating the powers of Brazil and India in EU countries.‎

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 643-653
Author(s):  
Svetlana Aleksandrovna Bokeriya ◽  
Valerij Vitalevich Danilov

The article analyzes the cultural policy of Italy, which is one of the key soft power instruments of the country, along with public diplomacy, the Italian language, education and scientific activities, through the prism of the cultural strategy of the EU. Despite the presence of a large number of articles on soft power implementation, this issue remains insufficiently covered today, since the concept of soft power emerged at the end of the 20th century in the framework of the American international relations school (J. Nye) and the majority of academic foreign papers are still devoted to the American soft power model. It is revealed that scientific community paid not enough attention to the Italian soft power phenomenon. The author’s goal is to analyze the cultural model of Italy, used as one of soft power component. According to the results of the structural, comparative and institutional analysis, fundamental problems in the development of the Italian cultural model were identified, as well as the links between the successful adoption of cultural diplomacy and economic crisis. The governmental initiatives in Italy in realization of cultural diplomacy and the EU cultural strategy are thoroughly reviewed. The analysis of the activities of specialized government institutions responsible for the cultural promotion of the country and the Italian language abroad is carried out. The soft power rankings, reflecting the effectiveness of cultural policy, in particular, Anholt-GfK Nation Brands Index and The Soft Power 30 are being analyzed. Measures to ensure the efficient use of the soft power resources in Italy are proposed. They are mostly aimed at combining the activities of existing institutions and forming an integrated strategy for popularizing, financing and broadening soft power components both within the state and foreign policy strategy.


Author(s):  
O. I. Brusylovska ◽  
V. T. Khakimova

Proclaiming a new world order, the leaders of Western states provided for the expansion of peace and stability by assisting with Europeanization and the integration of Central and Eastern Europe. However, the situation with Ukraine is more complicated. The aim of the paper is revealing of the EU’s soft power peculiarities towards Ukraine. The methodology is based on studies of Joseph Nye and the USC Centre of Public Diplomacy. Both have been adapted and implemented to the aims of the current study. The most important questions are: What makes the EU attractive abroad? To what extent does the EU rely on its attractiveness in its relations with Ukraine? What prevents the EU from more effectively pursuing its soft power policy towards Ukraine? As a result of this work, it became clear that the EU's influence on Ukraine and in particular on the solution of the current conflict with Russia was insignificant. This is a paradox if we consider the individual characteristics of both actors. The EU still loses to Russia in digital diplomacy. However, in terms of the attractiveness of cultural achievements, the strength of the EU is about the same as that of Russia. The strength of the diplomatic network, its contribution to global interaction in the case of the EU is relatively higher than that of Russia. Finally, the EU's strength is much higher than that of Russia in terms of the attractive economic model, business friendliness, and ability to innovate; by the level of human capital, contribution to scholarships, and attractiveness for international students; in the context of a commitment to freedom, human rights and democracy, and the quality of political institutions. In the future, it is necessary to conduct a study of this phenomenon and find out what affects the EU's inability to use its soft power advantages effectively.


Author(s):  
Ume Farwa ◽  
Ghazanfar Ali Garewal

The power of attraction and admiration is soft power. Generally, it is perceived that hard power cannot generate soft power, but the protective role of military in humanitarian crises and conflicts negates this prevailing misperception by specifying their contexts and effective utilizations; hard power assets can be transformed into soft power resources. This paper argues that the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping missions are the source of soft power and Pakistan, being an active participant in this field, can utilize this asset for shaping the preferences of others. Overall, it did earn admiration from international community and managed to build its soft image abroad through peacekeeping missions. Pakistani blue helmets not only earned the admiration and appreciation of the people of the conflict-zones and earned praises, but from international community also. However, to what extent has the country utilized this asset of soft power to exercise its influence in the global arena remains debatable. Although Pakistan’s UN Peacekeeping missions have been an instrument of building the country’s soft image, it is publicized in a far less productive manner. Peacekeeping can be used as a means to enhance the country’s presence and the level of participation in both international and regional organizations. By effective application of soft power strategy in tandem with public diplomacy, Pakistan’s UN peacekeeping can provide the country with the platform where its narratives can be projected effectively and its influence can be exercised adroitly.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Jess Gosling

Perceptions of attractiveness and trustworthiness impact the prosperity and influence of countries. A country's soft power is not guaranteed. Countries have their brands, an image shaped by the behaviour of governments, by what they do and say, whom they associate with, and how they conduct themselves on the global stage. Increasingly, digital diplomacy plays a crucial role in the creation and application of soft power. This paper argues that digital diplomacy is increasingly vital in the articulation of soft power. Digital diplomacy is a new way of conducting public diplomacy, offering new and unparalleled ways of building trust with previously disengaged audiences. Soft power is now the driving force behind reputation and influence on the global stage, where increasingly digital diplomacy plays an essential role.


2017 ◽  
Vol 232 ◽  
pp. 982-1001
Author(s):  
Gary Rawnsley

AbstractAccepting that Taiwan has accumulated “soft power” since the introduction of democratic reforms in the late 1980s, this paper assesses Taiwan's external communications during Ma Ying-jeou's presidency and how its soft power resources have been exercised. Demonstrating the strategic turn from political warfare to public and cultural diplomacy, the paper begins with the premise that the priority must be to increase familiarity with Taiwan among foreign publics. It then argues that any assessment of external communications in the Ma administration must consider the impact of two key decisions: first, the dissolution of the Government Information Office and the transfer of its responsibilities for international communications to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a new Ministry of Culture, and second, the priority given to cultural themes in Taiwan's external communications.


Author(s):  
Joseph S. Nye

This chapter examines Barack Obama’s foreign policy agenda. The Obama administration referred to its foreign policy as ‘smart power’, which combines soft and hard power resources in different contexts. In sending additional troops to Afghanistan, his use of military force in support of a no-fly zone in Libya, and his use of sanctions against Iran, Obama showed that he was not afraid to use the hard components of smart power. The chapter first considers power in a global information age before discussing soft power in U.S. foreign policy. It then explains how public diplomacy came to be incorporated into American foreign policy and concludes by highlighting problems in wielding soft power.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gulshan Pashayeva

Abstract The term soft power, developed by Joseph Nye, is a widely popular concept used to describe efforts to attract rather than coerce as means of persuasion. Language, which is widely viewed as a traditional (not to say extremely important) component of nationhood and a symbol of identity and group consciousness, can be used as an expression of soft power resources within this context. It is apparent that in today’s globalized world, the role of international languages as global means of communication has increased considerably. At the same time, English has become the de facto lingua franca in international trade, academia, technology and many other fields. Against this background, this article examines the impact of language as a soft power resource in the case of the Republic of Azerbaijan, which is a multi-ethnic state located at the crossroads of Europe and Asia. Due to its geographic location, the constant migrations of people who have passed through its territory throughout the centuries, and it has long been a zone of active interaction of languages, cultures and civilizations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 258-276
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Balanutsa ◽  
Olha Seheda

Abstract. The paper considers Ukrainian public diplomacy events carried out by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine in cooperation with Ukrainian embassies overseas to strengthen the positive image of Ukraine in the international arena. The research has revealed that the modern concept of Ukrainian public diplomacy, which has replaced the outdated principle of cultural and humanitarian cooperation, is in need of new methods and ways of its implementation. In particular, what is implied here is harnessing the potential of digital diplomacy and crafting comprehensive multilateral projects involving both public and private actors. Such an approach will obviously require enhanced coordination among state bodies, public organisations and foundations as well as embracing modern digital technologies in the diplomatic agenda. Given the unprecedented nature of such initiatives in Ukraine’s diplomatic service, one of the main aspects of this research was to model the perspectives of holding large-scale image events, especially in the field of digital diplomacy, by Ukrainian diplomatic missions abroad. Considering the multifaceted concept of public diplomacy, it is stated that none of the existing algorithms can ensure the success of practices in the realm of public diplomacy. On the other hand, numerous indices, such as The Soft Power 30, Global Go To Think Tank Index, and Future Brand Country Index 2019, evaluate country profiles in the field of public diplomacy by using mathematical methods. Based on the Week of Ukraine in Kuwait 2020 and online projects initiated by the Embassy of Ukraine in the State of Kuwait, the article analyses the effectiveness of alternative approaches to the implementation of Ukrainian public diplomacy in Kuwait. Keywords: public diplomacy, image-making projects, digital diplomacy, international image.


2020 ◽  
pp. 432-443
Author(s):  
Natalia A. Tsvetkova ◽  

The methods of qualitative and quantitate analysis are applied in the research in order to discuss new shifts in U. S. public diplomacy. The author concludes that the digital diplomacy, bots, and artificial intellect constitute a new imperative for the U. S. public diplomacy. In addition, the author confirms her previous findings that such notions as “soft power” and “public diplomacy” have been substituted by the “strategic communication” in official documents that implies the priority in the development of propaganda and information campaigns in both traditional and digital public diplomacy. The findings can contribute to the Russian foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Manuel Enverga

Digital diplomacy, also referred to as e-Diplomacy or Diplomacy 2.0, is a form of public diplomacy that entails the pursuance of foreign policy objectives using the Internet and social media. It is one of the ways that actors in contemporary global politics can exert soft power, thereby shaping a host country’s perceptions, agendas, and policies. The increasing use of digital diplomacy exemplifies a shift in diplomatic from purely government-to-government (G2G) relations, to one in which communication is directed towards publics (G2P), and can even encourage citizens to interact with one another (P2P). One actor that has become increasingly active in this area is the European Union (EU). However, unlike a country, the regional bloc is a coalition of twenty-eight member states. Consequently, the challenge for EU digital diplomacy specialists is to represent a group of countries to local audiences. There is minimal literature on this subject, and this paper hopes to contribute to it by presenting a case study of the EU’s digital diplomacy initiatives towards Philippines, which are communicated through the popular social networking website, Facebook. This paper argues that the EU exercises its soft power through its social media transmissions it creates. The individuals featured in its online content, the way that the European Union represents itself, and the issues it highlights in its posts are all geared towards shaping the perceptions of Philippine audiences.


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