scholarly journals Russian Historical Studies in the Church-Public Debate about the Orthodox Parish. 1860-1910s

Author(s):  
А.Л. Беглов

В статье рассматривается участие представителей отечественной исторической и историко-правовой науки в обсуждении «приходского вопроса» в 1860–1910-е гг. Реформа православного прихода в Российской империи была одной из самых остро дискутируемых тем, затрагивавших Церковь, общество и государство. В трудах ученых – П.В. Знаменского, М.М. Богословского, В.М. Верюжского, С.В. Юшкова – была воссоздана картина состояния и развития древнерусского прихода, описаны его место в земском самоуправлении, отношения с епархиальной и царской властью, положение клира. Книга П.В. Знаменского, созвучная с построениями славянофилов, оказала заметное влияние на общество. В начале ХХ в. научное сообщество не было едино в приходском вопросе, что давало возможность представителям разных общественных сил апеллировать к созвучной им позиции ученого или группы ученых. The article deals with the participation of representatives of the national historical and legal studies in the discussion of the “parish issue” in the 1860–1910s. The reform of the Orthodox parish in the Russian Empire was one of the most acutely debated topics, which affected the Church, society and the state. The author concludes that scholars were prominent in these discussions. In the works of P.V. Znamensky, M.M. Bogoslovsky, V.M. Veryuzhsky, S.V. Yushkov the picture was re-established of the status and development of the old Russian parish described as well as its place in the zemstvo self-government, the relationship with the diocesan and the Royal power, the situation of the clergy. P.V. Znamensky’s book was in tune with the Slavophiles ideas and had a significant impact on the press. In the early twentieth century, the scholarly community (especially the lawyers and canonists) itself was not united in the question of the parish issue. This gave an opportunity to representatives of different social forces to appeal to the position of a scholar (or a group of scholars), whose views were in tune with their public interests.

Author(s):  
Анна Леонидовна Краснова

В XVIII в. на основании общего интереса к святыням Востока, а также единой тенденции для крупных монастырей изготавливать гравюры на память для паломников, многие греческие гравюры свидетели русско-афонских отношений попадают на территорию Российской Империи. Сохранились такие гравюры и в Церковноархеологического кабинете Московской духовной академии, собрание которых насчитывает 29 эстампов. Пять гравюр из этого собрания имеют надписи на греческом и на славянском языке. Надписи свидетельствуют о месте и времени создания гравюры, о граверах и заказчиках, являются источниками кратких исторических сведений. В статье приведены выявленные дополнительные факты об этих гравюрах, которые свидетельствуют о наличии церковных, экономических и политических отношений на базе культурных связей между Российской Империей и странами православного Востока. The Russ has always been supporting the relationship with the Orthodox Church of the East. As a result of these connections, we have a lot of icons and other gifts from The Mount Athos, The Saint Catherine’s Monastery and others holy places. There are five Greek engravings in the collection of The Museum of Church Archaeology at the Moscow Theological Academy, which have inscriptions in Greek and Slavic. These engravings were to be spread in Slavic countries. They are dated from the 17th to the 19th century. Some of them were made in Moscow. The images and the inscriptions of the engravings are the subject of a research presented in this article.


Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.


1994 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 625-641
Author(s):  
Bruce S. Bennett

Ever since Henry VIII, the law of marriage has occupied a special place in the relationship between the Church of England and the state. Changes made to the law since 1857 have raised far-reaching and difficult questions about the nature of this relationship, involving the status of canon law. Marriage in church has remained, perhaps even more than the other rites of passage, an essential point at which the Church of England still touches the lives of great numbers of the otherwise unchurched, and these questions have thus impinged on the practical reality of the Church's work.


2019 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-230
Author(s):  
James White

This article examines discussions of freedom of conscience and other religious liberties in the Orthodox ecclesiastical press between the Great Reforms of the 1860s and the first Russian Revolution in 1905. Avoiding highly influential and well-known religious thinkers, this piece instead focuses on forgotten ordained and lay writers who used their positions in the Church's hierarchy and educational establishments to reach a wide audience. At the heart of their views was a paradox: while frequently defining Christ as freedom and rejecting coercion in religious matters, these churchmen assailed freedom of conscience as morally dangerous and socially destructive. To explain this paradox and reveal why freedom of conscience allegedly posed such a threat, the article situates the writers in the institutional, intellectual, and political contexts of both the Church and the Russian Empire. Examining this is useful not only because it provides an example of how Russian Orthodox churchmen theologically justified the status quo of the empire's religious policy but also because it demonstrates how members of a state church perceived the shift of religion away from collective confessional ascription towards the individual, private sphere.


Author(s):  
Alexey N. Rukhlin

Introduction. The presented article touches upon one of the serious religious problems of Russian history, the phenomenon of “sects”. The author, with the help of the provincial periodical press of the Russian Orthodox Church, tried to highlight the activities of sectarians in the second half of the 19th century until the end of the First World War. The significance of the material presented is undoubtedly, especially in the context of the emergence of new radical sects. To these days, too much depends on the experience of solving this issue, which is acute in our country. The successful resolution of religious problems is the foundation of Russia’s peaceful existence. The purpose of the article is to determine the historical place of sects and sectarianism in the religious life of provinces Middle Volga region, based on the characteristics of their condition and activities, to highlight the policy of the Russian Orthodox Church in relation to sectarians in the period under review, to reveal the special role of the church periodicals aimed at forming environment of negative perception of sects, heretics and all those who broke away from the “true Orthodox teaching”. Materials and Methods. The most important in the study, based on the provisions formulated by the above authors, is the historical method, or, as it is also formulated, the principle of historicism. In carrying out this scientific research, the author relied, first of all, on special historical or general historical methods. Research Results. The study showed that the church media, controlled by local bishops and supported by the secular authorities, carried out an anti-sectarian policy on the pages of their magazines. The Russian Church in Russia had the status of a “state religion” and a monopoly on religious consciousness, therefore it suppressed any deviations from its dogmas. The anti-sectarian tone did not change until 1917. Discussion and Conclusion. We can conclude that the topic of sectarianism is still relevant, moreover, sects continue to arise and develop throughout the world. As long as there are official religions, new sects will be born and spun off. The image of a heretic-sectarian, when necessary, is actively used in propaganda in the media today. The proposed provisions and conclusions create prerequisites for further study of this problem.


1998 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 391-418 ◽  
Author(s):  
John S. Ellis

With the notable exception of Scotland, Queen Victoria was never very enthusiastic about her kingdoms of the “Celtic fringe.” During the sixty-four years of her reign, Victoria spent a healthy seven years in Scotland, a mere seven weeks in Ireland, and a paltry seven nights in Wales. Although there was little overt hostility, the nonconformist Welsh often felt neglected by the monarch and embittered by the queen's position as the head of the Church of England. Her Irish visits, however, were subject to more open opposition by stalwart republicans. Her visit to Dublin in 1900 was accompanied by embarrassing incidents and coercive measures to ensure the pleasant reception and safety of the monarch.The reign of King Edward VII was notable for its warmer attitude toward Wales and Ireland, but this transformation in the relationship between the monarchy and the nations of the “Celtic fringe” reached its most clear expression with the 1911 investiture of the Prince of Wales during the reign of his son, King George V. The press considered the ceremony to be more important than any other royal visit to the Celtic nations and publicized it widely in the United Kingdom and British Empire. The organizers of the event erected telegraph offices at the site of the ceremony, and the railways established special express trains running from Caernarfon to London that were equipped with darkrooms in order to send stories and photographs of the event directly to the newspapers of Fleet Street.


1965 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
William A. Chaney

If economists have been accused, like Oscar Wilde's cynic, of knowing the price of everything and the value of nothing, historians, on the other hand, often know the value of everything and the price of nothing. Since value and price are historically related, however, the historian who ignores the economics which both embodies and reflects a value-system and world-view does so at his own cost. Thus, the laws of the early Germanic tribes — and of the Anglo-Saxons in particular, to whom this study is confined — are dominated by virtual tables of prices and compensations for offenses and injuries. To the general historian, and even to the medievalist, these are perhaps the least fascinating elements of the laws. Certainly the more cosmic elements of Germanic society almost vanish here beneath the weight of numbers. Nonetheless, even these apparently raw economic sources reveal, upon investigation, not only societal structure and the relationship of church and state but a concept of kingship which is the key to both. Penalties and fines in Anglo-Saxon law will be analyzed here to illuminate these aspects of the early English world.The two greatest influences on the actual codification of Anglo-Saxon law are Roman and ecclesiastical. Before the introduction of Christianity no Germanic written code is known, and the written formulation of law is largely stimulated by an attempt to cope with the new religion and with the status of its institution, the Church, in terms of Germanic society. In Kentish law, for example, dooms concerning the Church show less alliteration and consequently may be taken as newer.


2008 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIEL MARGUERAT

The article addresses the problem of the reception of Paul: how does the construction of the image of Paul in the Deuteropauline letters (Colossians, Ephesians, 2 Thessalonians), the Pastoral letters, the Acts of the Apostles and the apocryphal Acts of Paul relate together? The difficult question of the relationship between Paul in his letters and Paul in Acts is treated first. A typology of the reception of Paul is proposed following three poles: documentary (his letters), biographical (his life) and doctoral (his permanent authority for the Church). The conception that Paul's letters were the only regulation for the memory of Paul in the first century is denied. This three poles typology is applied to some topics of the Pauline tradition: the status of the apostle, the suffering of the apostle, and his teaching. It is possible to observe finally how the writings which honor the memory of the apostle have interpreted these topics by working out a feature present in the writings of the apostle.


2009 ◽  
Vol 88 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL SMITH

This article deals with the relationship between the Church of Scotland, the private sector and the local state in the provision of funeral arrangements and burial sites in Edinburgh in the nineteenth century. The first section introduces the status of the Kirk as upholder of tradition and provider of charity in relation to the funeral day. Next, state intervention will be considered, initially in the form of the introduction of the 1832 Anatomy Act, which had a direct bearing upon the status of the poor in Edinburgh and the Kirk's attitudes towards them when they died. This development, it will be argued, intensified working class desire for respectability in death, and increased the financial resources devoted to the funeral of the industrial age. Meanwhile, the challenge of the private cemetery companies during the 1840s further embodied the invasion of the market into the ‘ultimate’ rite of passage. Their example is used to illuminate not only the Kirk's inability to accommodate changing demand, but also the extent to which private enterprise was relied upon to solve municipal problems throughout the nineteenth century in Edinburgh. Finally, the article will explain the eventual demise of the Kirk as a source of burial provision in the capital, at the hands of a state that could no longer count upon pre-industrial solutions for disposal.


2021 ◽  
pp. 304-324
Author(s):  
A. V. Bodrin

The article is devoted to the formation of the synodal regime of government of the Russian Orthodox Church and related problems in the relationship between secular and spiritual authorities. Attention is paid to the new policy of the state represented by the Synod in relation to the local episcopate. The peculiarities of the organization of the diocesan administration are characterized on the materials of the Nizhny Novgorod region. A brief biography of the local Bishop Pitirim, one of the close associates of Peter I is presented. The results of the analysis of problems in relations between the state and the church in the political sphere are given. A classification of these problems is proposed on the basis of various aspects of interaction between secular and clergy. Special attention is paid to issues related to the status of the Synod and its real possibilities to represent the interests of the clergy. It is shown on regional material that the clergy, under synodal conditions, found themselves in a dependent position on the authorities, both central and local. The author especially dwells on the facts describing the arbitrariness of officials in relation to persons of clergy, interference in their competence on certain issues. It has been proved that the establishment of the Synod and the general bureaucratization during the reign of Peter I changed the nature of church-state relations and acted as prerequisites for the emergence of new difficulties.


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