scholarly journals THE ROLE AND POSITION OF CHINA IN THE MAJOR SWING OF THE RUSSIAN POLICY TOWARDS THE EAST

Author(s):  
Юрий Говоров ◽  
Yuri Govorov

The article deals with the role and place of China in the major swing of the Russian Policy towards the East in response to the Western pressure upon the RF after the Crimea accession. The cornerstone of this policy is in the strengthening of the Russian-Chinese strategic partnership. China is the chief trade partner both of the US and the RF. It feels comfortable enough within the existing global economic system but is dissatisfied with the US global political domination. The impact of the growing power of China and the RF upon the one-polar system leads to increasing geopolitical rift between these two countries and the US. The US consider China as its most principal competitor, but deal a first blow at Russia as a weaker link in the China's rear. The rise of the Western enmity towards Russia diverts the attention of the US from China. But for China Russia is not a strong and important enough country yet: the value of our trade is not so big, we lack qualified staff, the level of confidence and reliability is low, but misinterpretation of Asiatic specificity is very great. Our countries have the common point of view on strategic global issues, but our local interests, ambitions and geography are rather different, from inconsistency to incompatibility. In conclusion, the author summarizes the results and prospects of the further development of the Russian-Chinese cooperation: it will be founded on the level of «strategic partnership» arrangement in the spheres of mutual interest in the East and in the West. The author believes that this level of cooperation would be much more profitable for Russia, than the allied relations because of the great difference in economic weight between our countries.

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 140-148
Author(s):  
D. G. Dragan

In this article, the author attempts to determine the strategic directions of Romania’s foreign policy. Significant geopolitical events in Europe expose the need to clarify the priorities of the policy pursued by the country. Historically in foreign relations Romania has employed diplomatic strategies that allowed it, according to historians, to «anoeuvre» between the centres of power on the international arena. However, in the early 2000’s a departure from this tradition has become apparent, especially during the administration of Traian Basescu (2004–2014), which also coincided with the country’s joining NATO in 2004 and EU in 2007. After the collapse of the socialist bloc Romania set its priorities, firstly, in the direction of joining both NATO and EU and later bringing the country in accordance with their norms and standards was put high on the agenda. Having become a member of the Alliance and an EU-state, Romania has been determining its foreign policy from the point of view of synchronizing its strategic goals with those of NATO and EU. Along with this, the strategic partnership with the US and the attached to it significant importance for Romania dictate the one-sided political approach deprived of the traditional manoeuvre capability in foreign affairs. This is also proven by the fact that despite the declared and established privileged relations with a number of countries, the level of their “strategic” execution is very low in reality. That being said, the direction of the relations between Romania and the Russian Federation, whose views on many regional and international issues differ, are likely to be greatly influenced by the state of the Russia-West affairs. Having analyzed the historic and current aspects of Romania’s foreign policy, the author determines the preservation of the euroatlanticism course as the main direction of the development of the foreign policy of Romania.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110211
Author(s):  
Zafar Khan

This article primarily focuses on how the increasing US–China competing strategies in Asia-Pacific affect the policies of South Asian rivals India and Pakistan when, on the one hand, the US as part of its offshore balancing grand strategy has been increasing its strategic partnership with India through the transfer of emerging technologies in terms of military modernization process, and on the other hand, China and Pakistan have improved their geo-economic and geostrategic partnership as part of the Chinese grand strategy via the Belt and Road Initiative while enabling Pakistan to produce effective countermeasures against its potential adversary. The article presumes that, in doing so, such competing strategies frame a quadrangle setting comprising of US and India to deter and contain China on the one hand and China and Pakistan to produce countermeasures and try to create a balance to potentially prevent the risk of conflict in South Asia out of such competing strategies at the quadrangle order conceived here. However, in fact, neither the US nor rising China would desire such a possibility of conflict otherwise unintendedly occurring from the intense US–China competing strategies while affecting the policies of the South Asian rivals. The article concludes that the shaping of this quadrangle framework may bring both opportunities and challenges for the South Asian rivals. It also concludes that the more intense the competition between the US and China becomes, the more intense its implications could be on the South Asian rivals, while the reduced tension between China and the US, although unlikely, would have reduced pressure on India and Pakistan relations as well.


Author(s):  
V.B. Belov

The article examines the results of the last Bundestag elections. They marked the end of the Angela Merkel era and reflected the continuation of difficult party-political and socio-economic processes in the informal leader of the European Union. The main attention of the research focuses on the peculiarities of the election campaign of the leading parties and of the search for ways of further development of Germany in the face of urgent economic and political challenges. These challenges include the impact of the coronavirus crisis, the impact of the energy and digital transition to a climate-neutral economy, and the complex international situation. Based on original sources, the author analyzes the causes of the SPD victory and the CDU/CSU bloc defeat, the results of the negotiations of the Social Democrats with the Greens and Liberals, the content of the coalition agreement from the point of view of the prospects for the development of domestic and foreign policy and the economy of Russia's main partner in the west of the Eurasian continent. The conclusion is made about the absence of breakthrough ideas, the consistent continuation of the course started by the previous government for a carbon-free economy and the strengthening of the role of Germany in Europe and the world. For this course, conflicts and problems in achieving the set goals will be immanent due to the compromising nature of the coalition agreements.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seabelo T. Nyawo ◽  
Roscoe Bertrum Van Wyk

This paper investigates the effects of a US economic policy uncertainty shock on Indian macroeconomic variables with a number of Structural VARs. This study models the economic policy uncertainty index as constructed by Baker et al. (2013). The study also uses a set of macroeconomic variables for India such as inflation, industrial production and nominal interest rate. The objective of the study is to identify the potential impacts of economic policy uncertainty shocks from the US economy to the Indian economy. According to the SVARs, a one standard deviation shock to the US economic policy uncertainty leads to a statistically significant decline in the Indian industrial production of -0.294% and in the Indian inflation of -0.032%. India shows to be resistant to US policy uncertainty. Furthermore, the study finds that the contribution of the US economic policy uncertainty on the Indian macroeconomic variables is shown to be significantly larger than the one exerted by the Indian uncertainty shock. 


2020 ◽  
pp. 133-143
Author(s):  
М.В. Мирославская

Статья посвящена вопросам трансформации инновационных процессов для обеспечения эффективного взаимодействия различных участников процесса коммерческого освоения инноваций, влияния и значимости импортозамещения на этот процесс. Инновационное импортозамещение, оказывающее заметное влияние на трансформацию инновационных процессов, требуют значительного финансового обеспечения. Для достижения поставленной цели в статье актуализируются анализа существующей конъюнктуру российского рынка, в том числе рынка венчурного финансирования и грантов, анализа трансформационных процессов, происходящих в экономике, в том числе усиление роли азиатских государств. Для решения поставленных задач данная статья разделена на три раздела и рассматривает три глобальных вопроса. Во-первых, рассмотрен вопрос уязвимости российской экономики и ее зависимость от иностранного импорта и технологий до введения санкций и венчурного инвестирования. Во-вторых, проанализирована политика импортозамещения и локализации и отказа от доллара и оценены ее достижения. В-третьих, рассмотрена и оценена роль азиатских государств в функционировании инновационных процессов с точки зрения вытеснения западного капитала и технологий. The article is devoted to the transformation of innovative processes to ensure effective interaction of various participants in the process of commercial development of innovations, the impact and significance of import substitution on this process. Innovative import substitution, which has a significant impact on the transformation of innovative processes, requires significant financial support. To achieve this goal, the article updates the analysis of the existing conjuncture of the Russian market, including the market for venture financing and grants, analysis of the transformation processes taking place in the economy, including the strengthening of the role of Asian states. To solve the set tasks, this article is divided into three sections and considers three global issues. First, the issue of the vulnerability of the Russian economy and its dependence on foreign imports and technologies before the imposition of sanctions and venture capital investment is considered. Secondly, the policy of import substitution and localization and abandonment of the dollar is analyzed and its achievements are assessed. Third, the role of Asian states in the functioning of innovation processes from the point of view of crowding out Western capital and technology is considered and evaluated.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 424-445
Author(s):  
Vladislav S. Soluianov

The author regards multipolarity as a question open for discussion, the variety of answers to which contribute not only to the comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon, but also to the perception of processes taking place in the world politics. The content of the multipolarity concept is revealed through the perspectives of realism, neorealism, civilizational approach, regional approach, liberalism, and constructivism. From the realism perspective, multipolarity can be considered as an objective reflection of the world development. The foundation of multipolarity consists in the growth of economic, military, and political potential of non-Western powers and the weakening of the US position as a global leader. Neorealism views multipolarity as a property of the international system which affects the behavior of states. The civilizational approach focuses on identifying civilizations as new actors and centers of power on the world stage. The regional approach highlights the importance of the increasing regionalization processes and creation of regional integration systems, which contribute to the formation of multipolarity in the context of the rise of regional powers and weakening of the USs world position. Liberalism seeks to assess the impact of multipolarity on the stability and security of the international system. Along with the predictable attitude to multipolarity as a threat to peace and security, there is another more optimistic point of view. Constructivism regards multipolarity as a foreign policy discourse and a project of several states, primarily Russia. The results allow to see multipolarity from different perspectives and develop a more comprehensive and objective understanding of this phenomenon.


2016 ◽  
pp. 153-174
Author(s):  
D. Lakishyk

It is argued that the US-European relations, regardless of the position of the US as a single global state, are based on the principles of interdependence. Conflicts that arise on specific issues are not of strategic and decisive character. They cannot provoke fundamental conflict, primarily because of similar values and targets in the conduct of foreign policy. Changing the status of the EU “traditional ally” into the status of “essential partner” is caused by the need to clearly define European interests in transatlantic cooperation. Relations between the EU and the US are based on protecting the interests and priorities of each party, in addition to the policy of compromise. Now the format of transatlantic cooperation is multilateral, negotiation basis of US foreign practices is combined with cooperation with the EU, confirming the practical transition of Washington to renovation of collective action. Filling the US-European relations with “global context” changes transatlantic partnership both in content and in form. The US and EU continue to be among the leaders in world politics that get additional opportunities for development and implementation of a common position on many global issues thanks to strategic partnership.


2020 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-51
Author(s):  
Michael Domsgen ◽  
Frank M. Lütze

Abstract Religious education in East Germany is religious education in the plural. Different models stand side by side. Acceptance and structural anchoring in the individual school types also vary. Nevertheless, unifying challenges can be identified that need to be addressed. They make it clear that there is a need for a further development or readjustment of the models of religious instruction that on the one hand satisfies the positionality of religiosity, which is so important from the point of view of religious didactics, and on the other hand is capable of absorbing religious diversity and secularity on the part of students inside.


2014 ◽  
Vol 29 (S3) ◽  
pp. 579-579
Author(s):  
T. Mauras

Psychomotor activity is one of the traits we most immediately perceive in others. Psychomotor slowing, which can be easily noticed on a first medical examination, is a symptom which may be prodromal of psychic disturbances.Historically, psychomotor retardation is a characteristic attached to depression, especially melancholia. Some studies show that psychomotor retardation is associated with good therapeutic prognosis, including positive response to electro-convulsivo-therapy. The cluster of non-verbal symptoms includes both basic aspects related to motor behavior such as attitudes and movements and more complex aspects such as goal-directed behaviors. We will see that this intuitive and fundamental dimension of clinical depression is not homogeneous. From a motor point of view, hypo-bradykinesia in depression may be compared to the one found in cortico-subcortical syndromes such as Parkinson's disease. This comparison suggests that key brain structures such as the basal ganglia could be involved in depression.Moreover, the loss of vital energy is the dominant psychopathological explanation linked to psychomotor retardation. From a phenomenological point of view, this interpretation seems to be relevant but appears disappointing as an experimental variable. However, motivation, understood as the factor that energizes the behavior seems to be an interesting and promising concept.Experimentally, it is possible to measure how much an individual is able to invest energy in order to achieve a goal.The impact of depression on the process of incentive motivation will be analyzed before turning to a description of therapeutic interventions related to psychomotor field such as sports or sensorimotor stimulations that appear to be promising tracks for clinical improvement.


1981 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-8

One of the fields of sociology which is experiencing a dramatic explosion is that catch‐all area of Women's Studies. Books and articles touching on women's experiences in the labour market or in the home, the education of girls or images of femininity, the impact of the law on women or sexism in the social sciences have been proliferating in the last decade. Much of the impetus has been provided by the renascent Women's Movement, and the various academic concerns echo the diverse attacks on the status quo being made by politically active women. The one thing which holds all this material together is an explicit concern to bring women to the centre of the stage in the social sciences, instead of leaving them (as they so often have been) in the wings or with mere walk‐on parts. Taking the woman's point of view is seen as a legitimate corrective to the tendency to ignore women altogether. But is this sufficient to constitute the nucleus of a new speciality within sociology, which is what seems to be happening to ‘Women's Studies’ and ‘feminist’ social science? More seriously, should sociological discussions of women be ghettoised into special courses on women in society? As a preliminary attempt to redress the balance maybe such separate development can be justified, but if that is all that happens, the enriching potential of feminist social science may well be lost to mainstream sociology. It is not just that feminist social scientists want women to be brought in to complete the picture. It is not just that they claim that half the picture is being left unexposed. The claims are often much more ambitious than that: what much feminist writing is attempting is a demonstration of the distortion in the half image which is exposed. An injection of feminist thinking into practically any sociological speciality could lead to a profound re‐orientation of that field. More than this, a feminist approach can indicate the ways in which traditional boundaries between sociological specialities can obscure women and their special position in society. Feminist social scientists throw down the gauntlet on the way in which the field of sociology has traditionally been carved up. But if women's studies are kept in their ghetto, this challenge will be lost: to me, the explicitly critical stance which feminist research takes with respect to mainstream sociology is one of its most exciting qualities, and such research has important insights to contribute to the development of the discipline.


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