De fractieleider : Knelpunt of knooppunt in het parlementair gebeuren ?

Res Publica ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 22 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 131-147
Author(s):  
Herman De Croo

The author describes the recent changes of rules and proceedings in the House of Representatives, later on in the Senate and finally in both the new «cultural Assemblees», concerning the existence, the functioning and the importance of parliamentary groups and their leaders.Assimilated to the status of Vice-presidents of their Assembly, the parliamentary leaders are in charge of many responsabilities and more attention is given to the parliamentary group as such rather than to the individual members. Seating the members in the House, allocating to their «mandated» members speaking time in important debates, replacing members of their group in the specialized committees, preparing with the Speaker the public debates, taking full responsability for the material aid provided to their group and their members (secretarial help, technical assistance in the committee stage and money supply for research) the many tasks of the parliamentary leaders in the organization of parliamentary work are increasing.Their political functions are much more important. Usually the parliamentary leader sits in the top policy making organs of his party, very often he has had governmental experience and, as a floor leader, intervenes in the important debates.Even if essential differences can be observed between political parties (more freedom of action for the liberals and christian-democrats as a parliamentary group, less for the socialists and the communists) the leader in the Parliament plays an important role as the link between political parties and parliament.

1971 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 242-254

Lord Fleck who died in London on 6 August 1968 was most widely known as a distinguished leader in chemical industry and as Chairman of Imperial Chemical Industries Ltd from 1953 to 1960. It was very apparent, however, to all with a closer acquaintance with him, that he could have been just as successful in other fields. In early life, following his outstanding scientific researches at his university, a promising academic career had been open to him and, later, the keen mind, sound judgement and gifts of leadership, shown in the many and diverse official enquiry committees which he chaired, were clear evidence of the wide range of his capabilities. But, to those who were privileged to work with him or to know him really well, admiration of his abilities and achievements gave second place to affection for the man himself and to profound respect for the concern about people, individually and collectively, which motivated his whole life. Alec Fleck had very definite views on the place and responsibilities of science and scientists in society. Although he fully appreciated the fascination and value of scientific discovery for its own sake, he felt that it should be the primary duty of a considerable proportion of scientists, including the most able, to apply their skill and knowledge to practical objectives aimed at the welfare and happiness of mankind. Among these objectives he ascribed particular importance to elimination of social ills which, ironically, can so easily arise as byproducts of industrial progress; for example, air and water pollution, waste accumulation and unpleasant or dangerous jobs for plant operators. Fleck believed that more senior positions with policy-making responsibilities in industry and the public services could, with advantage, be filled by people with a first-class scientific background and advocated that company organization and staff policy should be such as to give maximum opportunity to able young scientists to widen their experience and interests. He was also of the opinion that educational establishments could do far more to widen the outlook of science students by stimulating their interest in history, politics, economics and general world affairs.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (149) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  

A technical assistance (TA) mission was conducted by IMF’s Regional Technical Assistance Center for Southern Africa (AFS)1 during February 25–March 8, 2019 to assist Statistics Botswana (SB) improve the quality of the national accounts statistics. This was the first mission on national accounts conducted by AFS to SB since January 2015. Reliable national accounts are essential for informed economic policy-making by the authorities. They also provide the private sector, foreign investors, rating agencies, donors and the public in general with important inputs in their decision-making, while informing economic analysis and IMF surveillance. Rebasing the national accounts is recommended every five years. They require comprehensive surveys and ideally, Supply and Use tables (SUTs) to support coherence checking of data.


Author(s):  
Eva Odzuck ◽  
Sophie Günther

AbstractToday’s election campaigns are heavily data-driven. Despite the numerous skeptical voices questioning the compatibility of specific campaigning practices with fundamental principles of liberal democracies, there has to date been little comprehensive work in this area from the perspective of normative democratic theory. Our article addresses this gap by drawing on recent research on the normative theory of political parties in the field of deliberative democratic theory. The deliberative theories of democracy proposed by Habermas and Rawls contain structural elements of a normative theory of the political party: the special status of political parties as mediators between background culture and the political forum, between the political system and the public sphere, and between the individual and the state, confers on them a central position as actors in in the public use of reason and deliberation.We argue in this article for a view of digital campaigning as a policy of democracy promotion and for the proposition that, alongside other actors, political parties have a special responsibility in this regard. We point to the implications for the evaluation and design of digital political microtargeting that arise from the application of deliberative principles to political parties and consider the need they reveal for the ongoing development of detailed, nuanced normative theories of democracy.


Author(s):  
Adetunji Ogunyemi

This article examines the essential issues in the economic development of Nigeria in the 1960s as shown in all the budget speeches presented to the parliament by her first indigenous Finance Minister, Festus Okotie-Eboh. The study highlights the Minister’s efforts to obtain parliamentary approval for the Appropriation Bills laid by his government before the Nigerian House of Representatives in Lagos. The purpose being to underscore the role of the individual in shaping the course of the development of any nation. Hence, the study identifies the fiscal policy orientation upon which the key programmes and projects reflected in such speeches were built. It also establishes the extent to which the projects were achieved. The study concludes that Chief Okotie-Eboh’s parliamentary speeches on Nigeria’s federal budget, though loaded with oversized literary niceties, were still, rather than depictive of a mere display of endless parliamentary filibustering, indeed, a veritable part of the sources of Nigeria’s public history.


Author(s):  
Sun-ha Hong

This paper argues that emerging technologies of datafication are intensifying a moralisation of predictivity. On one hand, this describes the growing pressure to quantify and predict every kind of social problem. Reluctance to adopt emerging technologies of surveillance is construed as abdication of a moral responsibility via negligence to inevitable progress. On the other hand, it describes the corresponding demand that human subjects learn to live in more predictable and machine-readable ways, adapting to the flaws and ambiguities of imperfect technosystems. This argument echoes that of Joseph Weizenbaum (1976), a pioneer of early AI research and the inventor of the ELIZA chatbot: that well in advance of machines fully made in our image, it is the human subjects that are asked to render themselves more compatible and legible to those machines. Drawing from a book-length research project into the public presentation of surveillance technologies, I show how messy data, arbitrary classifications, and other uncertainties become fabricated into the status of reliable predictions. Specifically, the bulk of the presentation will examine the rapid expansion of counter-terrorist surveillance systems in 2010’s America. All in all, the moralisation of predictivity helps suture the many imperfections of data-driven surveillance, and provide justificatory cover for their breakneck expansion across the boundaries of public and private. They perpetuate the normative expectation that what can be predicted must be, and what needs to be predicted surely can be. In the process, spaces for human discretion, informal norms, and sensitivity to human circumstance are being squeezed out.


Obiter ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Allister Peté

The years immediately following South Africa’s second democratic election, held in June 1999, were significant in that they marked the end of the “honeymoon” period which followed the country’s transition from apartheid to democracy in 1994. This article focuses on the public discourse surrounding imprisonment in South Africa during this important “post-honeymoon” period. The article traces the continued systematic violation of the basic human rights of many of those confined in South African prisons throughout the period. Part One of the article deals with the many public debates surrounding chronic prison overcrowding and its effects, whereas Part Two deals with a host of evils which beset the South African penal system at this time, including very poor conditions of detention, high levels of gang activity, the spread of HIV/AIDS, the escape of dangerous criminals from different prisons in the country, and instances of corruption and other criminal activity amongst prisoners and staff.


1940 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 439-455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph R. Starr

The legal status of political parties in the United States is far from being clearly defined. On the one hand, we do not have a mass of legislation and court decisions clearly constituting the political party as a branch of the government, as in the leading fascist countries of Europe; and, on the other hand, we do not have a situation similar to that of Great Britain or France, where political parties are practically unregulated except for laws designed to control subversive groups. To gain a concept of the legal position of American political parties, a great deal of legislation which differs widely in many particulars among the forty-eight states must be surveyed, and certain categories of common and public law must be explored. Even when the many branches of the law that seem to impinge upon the subject have been brought into view, the legal position of our political parties still seems elusive and indefinite. Yet the subject is one of considerable practical importance, since the near future is likely to bring insistent demands for new and more drastic regulation of political parties. A consideration of the rights of American political parties, and the scope of the powers of the legislature to interfere with parties in the public interest, therefore seems appropriate at the present time.


1970 ◽  
pp. 36-39
Author(s):  
Alisa Perkins

The status of Moroccan women in the public sphere is undergoing dramatic change. Last September (2002), 35 women won seats in the Moroccan 325-member House of Representatives, whereas previously, there were only two (ArabicNews 2002). This trend toward increasing visibility challenges long-held notions about the gendering of public space in Arab societies.


Obiter ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Allister Peté

The years immediately following South Africa’s second democratic election, held in June 1999, were significant in that they marked the end of the “honeymoon” period which followed the country’s transition from apartheid to democracy in 1994. This article focuses on the public discourse surrounding imprisonment in South Africa during this important “post-honeymoon” period. The article traces the continued systematic violation of the basic human rights of many of those confined in South African prisons throughout the period. Part One of the article dealt with the many public debates surrounding chronic prison overcrowding and its effects, whereas Part Two deals with a host of evils which beset the South African penal system at this time, including very poor conditions of detention, high levels of gang activity, the spread of HIV/AIDS, the escape of dangerous criminals from different prisons in the country, and instances of corruption and other criminal activity amongst prisoners and staff.  


Author(s):  
Bambang Budiyanto

Political parties have a strategic role in a democratic country. Indonesian 1945 Constitution regulates the status of political parties in the state life in Indonesia. Political parties are the only organization that can become participants in the elections and nominate candidates to fill political positions. One of the authorities of political parties is to nominate candidates of legislators both at the central and regional levels. In addition to nominating candidates for members of Parliament, political parties also have the authority to dismiss members of political parties in the Parliament. Departing from this issue, this study discusses two main problems related to the authority of political parties against the dismissal of the members of the House of Representatives in Indonesia as well as on construction of the arrangements for the provision of dismissal of members of parliament tied to corruption. This research was conducted with the use of normative legal research conducted through an analysis of the norms of the legislation. The study results show that political parties have a very important role in democracy and running the country. In addition to the authority of nominating candidates to fill political positions in the executive and legislative, political parties are also given the authority to replacement and dismissal of members of the House of Representatives. Related to the dismissal of members of the party sitting in Parliament, the political parties should set very important conditions such as the problem of corruption. This serves as a precautionary measure and efforts to realize corruption-free state officials, because corruption has a very serious impact on the life of the nation. Thus the judicial review provided for in Article 16 of Law No. 2 of 2011 concerning the Amendment Act No. 2 of 2008 on Political Parties needs to be done, and then revised. This is to fill the void of legal norms tied to provisions of the dismissal of members of political parties in the House of Representatives due to corruption.Partai politik mempunyai peran strategis dalam negara demokrasi. UUD NRI 1945 telah mengatur kedudukan partai politik dalam kehidupan bernegara di Indonesia. Partai politik adalah satu-satunya organisasi yang dapat menjadi peserta pemilu dan mengajukan calon untuk mengisi jabatan-jabatan politik. Salah satu kewenangan partai politik adalah mengajukan calon anggota DPR baik di pusat maupun di daerah. Selain mengajukan calon anggota DPR, partai politik berwenang memberhentikan anggota partai politik yang duduk di DPR. Bertolak dari hal tersebut, penelitian ini membahas dua pokok permasalahan yaitu yang berkaitan kewenangan pimpinan partai politik dalam mengusulkan pemberhentian anggota DPR terkait tindak pidana korupsi serta tentang konstruksi pengaturan  terhadap ketentuan pemberhentian anggota DPR terkait tindak pidana korupsi. Penelitian ini dilaksanakan dengan menggunakan penelitian hukum normatif yang dilakukan melalui analisis terhadap norma dalam peraturan perundang-undangan. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian ini bahwa partai politik mempunyai peran sangat penting dalam demokrasi dan penyelenggaaraan negara. Selain diberikan kewenangan untuk mengajukan calon-calon untuk mengisi jabatan-jabatan politik di eksekutif dan legislatif, partai politik juga diberikan kewenangan untuk melakukan pergantian dan pemberhentian anggota DPR. Terkait dengan pemberhentian anggota partai yang duduk di DPR seharusnya mengatur ketentuan yang sangat penting seperti masalah korupsi. Hal ini sebagai langkah pencegahan dan dalam upaya mewujudkan penyelenggara negara yang bebas KKN, sebab korupsi mempunyai dampak sangat serius dalam kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Dengan demikian judicial review dalam ketentuan Pasal 16 UU No. 2 Tahun 2011 tentang Perubahan Atas Undang-Undang Nomor 2 Tahun 2008 tentang Partai Politik perlu dilakukan, yang selanjutnya dilakukan direvisi. Hal ini untuk mengisi kekosongan norma hukum terkait ketentuan pemberhentian anggota partai politik di DPR yang disebabkan tindak pidana korupsi.


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