scholarly journals Break-up of the Yugoslav political elite, 1962-1972

Sociologija ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 500-525
Author(s):  
Sergej Flere ◽  
Tibor Rutar

The break-up of the Yugoslav communist elite, which came about in the period 1962-1972, is considered. The break-up came about under the elite?s disappointment due to the failure to achieve economic objectives it set for itself, bringing about internal dubiety and mutual suspicion, the political system moving towards consociation also contributed to fracturing. However, this is not sufficient as explanation. Cultural elites also contributed in the same direction. Economic growth was significant, considering the entire period 1945-1991, but it was always clouded by imbalances. Certain issues and discussions were indicative of the break-up. Political unity and communism was gradually replaced as objective by ?resolving the national question?, also a legitimate Marxist concern. It can be considered that by the break-up, a normalization of elite pattern came about, comparable to elites in the greatest number of European states, although the elites kept on being ?ideocratic?. Whereas elites may have become ?normal?, the functioning of the political system became ever more difficult. The ascending national communist elites never undertook steps at the direct dissolution of the Yugoslav state, although they entered into ceaseless disputes and finally paved the way to ethnic entrepreneurs and counter-elites to implement the dissolution. By the elite break-up a relation between elite and nation similar to the one existing in the great majority of European countries was achieved.

1979 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-323 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. J. McLynn

The 1868 presidential election in Argentina repays attention on a number of counts. It was the first time that the efficacy of the formal constitutional machinery evolved in 1860 had been put to the test. It was unusual in that the result was not, on the one hand, a foregone conclusion, a mere legitimation of a choice that had already been made, nor, on the other, disputed by force of arms. It also marked a change of direction for the political elite, although the consequences of this would not work themselves through the political system until the 1870s. It is unnecessary to labour the manifold changes in Argentina in the early 1870s: massive immigration, the full impact of the railways, the beginning of the “golden age’ of British investment, the integration of Argentina into a world economy were complemented in the political sphere by the end of the Paraguayan war, the death of Urquiza, the last great caudillo, the failure of the last important separatist movement (the rebellion of López Jordán in Entre Ríos during 1870–3) outside the capital and of the porteño separatist revolt under ex—President Bartolomé Mitre in 1874.


Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shamall Ahmad

The flaws and major flaws in the political systems represent one of the main motives that push the political elite towards making fundamental reforms, especially if those reforms have become necessary matters so that: Postponing them or achieving them affects the survival of the system and the political entity. Thus, repair is an internal cumulative process. It is cumulative based on the accumulated experience of the historical experience of the same political elite that decided to carry out reforms, and it is also an internal process because the decision to reform comes from the political elite that run the political process. There is no doubt that one means of political reform is to push the masses towards participation in political life. Changing the electoral system, through electoral laws issued by the legislative establishment, may be the beginning of political reform (or vice versa), taking into account the uncertainty of the political process, especially in societies that suffer from the decline of democratic values, represented by the processes of election from one cycle to another. Based on the foregoing, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between the Electoral and political system, in particular, tracking and studying the Iraqi experience from the first parliamentary session until the issuance of the Election Law No. (9) for the year (2020).


2009 ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
Jean Lpuis Briquet

- According to the standard thesis, the political crisis in Italy between 1992 and 1994 and the collapse of the Christian Democrat regime are related to the revelation of corruption of the political elite by the judiciary. However, judicial revelations and corruption scandals have regularly occurred in Italy, before and after this crisis, without provoking a drastic political change and the reject of the political system by the electorate. Considering this paradox, the article suggests an alternate account of the 1992-1994 events that underline the way in which the political competition had been affected by the scandals: the moral crusades against corruption had in this period a political impact because they had been relayed and supported by emerging political actors in order to challenge the established elites and to claim a leading role in reshaping the political system.


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-13
Author(s):  
Andrzej Zoll

The changes brought about in Poland and elsewhere in Europe by the fall of Communism have given rise to hopes for the establishment of a political system differing from the one which had been the fate of these countries. In place of totalitarianism, a new political system is to be created based on the democratic principles of a state under the rule of law. The transformation from totalitarianism to democracy is a process which has not yet been completed in Poland and still requires many efforts to be made before this goal may be achieved. One may also enumerate various pitfalls jeopardising this process even now. The dangers cannot be avoided if their sources and nature are not identified. Attempts to pervert the law and the political system may only be counteracted by legal means if the system based on the abuse of the law has not yet succeeded in establishing itself. Resistance by means of the law only has any real chance of success provided it is directed against attempts to set up a totalitarian system. Once the powers which are hostile to the state bound by the rule of law take over the institutions of the state, such resistance is doomed to failure.


2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-109
Author(s):  
Hugh Lamarque

AbstractThis article examines the distribution of power among public, private and criminal interests invested in Mombasa port. It approaches Kenya as a gatekeeper state, in which national elites compete to control the country's points of interaction with the rest of the world. Mombasa's controversial private dry ports are used to highlight (1) how the opportunity to profit from inefficiencies in container storage has been distributed among the political elite, and (2) how the development of the country's principal seaport not only reflects Kenya's underlying political settlements, but is one of the key sites in which those settlements are tested and reshaped. The case exposes a dynamic interaction between Kenya's shifting political settlement on the one hand, and the gate itself – Mombasa port's physical infrastructure and regulations – on the other.


2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 39-65
Author(s):  
Maxim Rust

In Eastern European countries, the issue of the oligarchisation of the political system is one of the most important factors influencing the process of systemic transformation. In Ukraine, the phenomenon of oligarchisation took on the classic post-Soviet form of influencing the political elite. In Belarus, its importance is smaller and of a different character. When analysing the dynamics of the socio-political development of both republics after 1991, the vision of Ukraine without oligarchs, or inversely – Belarus with the established oligarchic system is not so obvious. The main goal of this article is to compare and evaluate the reforms and socio-political changes in Belarus and Ukraine in the context of the role played by the oligarchisation of these countries.


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-30
Author(s):  
András Körösényi

This paper first explores the polarizationthesis, according to which between 1990-2010 political polarization increased to a large extent in the Hungarian political elite and among citizens, although it did not undermine the stability of the political system. Second, it gives an endogenousexplanation for this phenomenon. Third, through theoretical discussion and empirical examples taken from Hungarian politics it is revealed that although growing polarization has not generated regime instability, it reduces, or might reduce, the efficiency of the operation of democracy. Five mechanisms of the effects of ideological polarization which weaken democratic accountability are explored.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-122
Author(s):  
Pia Khoirotun Nisa

Muhammadiyah is one of the elements from the public room of Indonesia, it accepts amount of political policies from the power of nation and responses them as the tradition of its organization. The special characteristic of organization determines political communication that is used. In doing political communication, the political elite of Muhammadiyah has to be able to play very important role in a political system because it becomes determined part from the process of political socialization, political culture, political participation and political recruitment.


Author(s):  
P. B. Salin

The relevance of this topic is due to the forthcoming of the open stage of transit of the Russian political system, which will inevitably be accompanied by a change of generations of the political elite. It raises the question of what “exit strategy” exists for the existing elite, which is now at the levers of governmental management. It will have a decisive influence on the course and outcome of the transit of the political system. The purpose of this article is to analyse the implementation of the government’s strategy for the nationalisation of the elite, which is carried out in the 2010s, to assess its progress, limitations and problems it faced. The article deals with the Russian experience of nationalisation of the elite of the last seven years, both in terms of changes in legislation and, most importantly, law enforcement and political practice. The author placed particular emphasis on the existing limitations of this project — lack of “exit strategy” of the current elite and lack of a large project that could mobilise the elite. The author concludes that the events of 2014 and the ensuing confrontation with the West have done much more to nationalise the elite than the purposeful efforts of the authorities for two years before. However, the political practice has not yet answered the key question — what will be the second stage of nationalisation of the elite, which will be completed by 2022–2024.


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